Finding Faith, Hope and Charity in The Plague. Atheism, Absurdity, the Almighty and Albert Camus. Surviving MAGA: Creating Trump-Free Zones.

Finding Faith, Hope and Charity in The Plague.

Atheism, Absurdity, the Almighty and Albert Camus.

Surviving MAGA: Creating Trump-Free Zones.

Burton Weltman

“And now abideth faith, hope, charity,

these three, but the greatest of these is charity.”

Saint Paul. 1 Corinthians 13. King James Bible.

The plague of our day is Donald Trump and his MAGA Movement.  What is to be done?

I am writing this essay in late-February, 2025.  We have recently contracted a second bout of a plague called Donald Trump and his MAGA movement.  It is a serious illness.  Those of us who reject the poisonous politics and sickening policies of Trump and his minions need to find ways to combat that plague but also, and I think this is most important, find ways of creating Trump-free zones in our minds, lives and society in order to promote social, political and mental health. I think that Albert Camus’ novel The Plague can offer some support in this regard.[1]    

The Plague is about a fictional epidemic that has struck in the city of Oran in Algeria.  The main point of the book is the way people fight the disease but also struggle to maintain their ways of life.  The point of this essay is to aver that like the characters in Camus’ book, we should focus on ways and means of fighting the noxious infection in our body politic that Trump and his cohorts represent, but also focus on ways and means of creating and celebrating good in the midst of the evil that surrounds us.  Like Camus’ characters, we need to create healthy spaces – through bottom-up efforts – even in the midst of disaster.  It is one of the ways that people in Camus’ book mostly stayed together and survived.  It is important for us today, too. 

What I am suggesting is not new, but just needs to be remembered.  Historically, small-scale cooperative efforts have often been a way in which positive changes in America have developed, sometimes arising in the darkest days.  There were the utopian communities with which much European settlement began.  There were, and still are, artistic and ethnic communities, local reform and charitable societies, knitting groups and book clubs…  Small-scale cooperatives of all sorts have existed from the earliest days of this country and from which bigger things have developed. They were seeds of humane reform that often seemed absurd at the time but that grew into significance.  Often as a means of subduing and supplanting a biological or social plague.

Our present plague is Donald Trump.  There are a host of pejorative adjectives that I could use in describing him and his unfitness to be President.  Many of them were included in the original draft of this essay.  But I removed them, both because they are probably irrelevant and because I do not want to descend to the sort of derogatory tactics that he regularly uses.  Whatever the adjectives, Trump is personally and politically unfit to be President.  And as I am writing this essay, he is busy wrecking the American government and wreaking havoc on the world order. 

In doing all this, Trump is also grabbing everyone’s attention.  He is a tremendous showman for whom grandstanding seems to be a need but is also a strategy.  And this latter point is a key.  As long as everyone’s attention is on Trump, as long as his opponents focus solely on his awful and unlawful acts, people cannot develop positive projects of their own, projects which could counter the havoc he is wreaking and repair damage that he is doing.  It is therefore, I think, important that we oppose Trump but also that we create Trump-Free zones.  Zones of positive and creative thoughts and actions.  Building from the bottom up an alternative to the horror show that Trump and his MAGA mob are trying to foist on us.

Albert Camus’ novel The Plague can help us in thinking about this.  Camus’ absurdist message and the book’s effect on readers is to focus on the positive while fighting the negative.  And despite Camus’ atheism and absurdism, or perhaps because of them, it is in Saint Paul’s exhortation to live with faith, hope and charity that I think we can understand Camus’ message.

A Plague of Plagues Past and Present. 

This is an essay about plagues and how to survive their aftermath reasonably intact.  A plague is defined in the Merriam-Webster Dictionary as “A disastrous evil or affliction.”  Plagues come in many shapes and from many causes.  Bubonic Plagues. Locust Plagues.  Plagues of Pride, Prejudice, Sexism, Racism, Nativism, Crime, Corruption, Cruelty, Greed, Demagoguery, ad almost infinitum.  The world is plagued with hosts of bad things, and bad things in large numbers are often considered plagues. 

Plagues come and go, and interest in them waxes and wanes accordingly.  Interest in plagues has waxed in recent years as a result of the COVID pandemic.  It has also come from Trump’s labeling immigrants as a plague.  A consequence of calling something a plague is that all-out extreme measures are justified to battle the problem.  War against the plague is effectively declared and the heavy armor is brought to bear.  In recent years, cries have gone up from some quarters to eliminate COVID and from others to eliminate immigrants.  Liberals seek to reinforce the health services.  Trump seeks to send troops to the southern border.  Putting one’s money where one’s mouth is.       

Albert Camus was putting his mouth where his misery was when he published his novel The Plague in 1947, which came shortly after the elimination of the Nazi plague in Europe.  The story, about a fictional bubonic plague in the city of Oran, Algeria, illustrates the social, political and moral consequences of facing a disease similar to COVID, and the book has recently become popular for that reason. 

But the story also relates to the plagues of prejudice and demagoguery that Trump and his MAGA followers are spreading amongst us.  And it exemplifies the absurdist philosophy that Camus propounded as a challenge to the moral sensibilities of his time, and that remains as a challenge to our ability to face the plagues of ours.

The Plague: A Descent into Hell/ An Ascent into Absurdity.

The Plague dramatizes the descent of a city and its citizens into what could be called a heart of darkness. There is an outbreak of bubonic plague that seemingly comes out of nowhere and completely overwhelms the city.  The disease spreads rapidly and kills quickly.  It is evil incarnate.  The authorities initially respond with denial and only under considerable duress, bodies begin piling up in the streets, do they take significant action. 

Isolation ensues.  Sick people are quarantined against the rest of the population, and the town is quarantined against the rest of the country.  People who were just visiting the town are stuck there.  People who were visiting elsewhere are forbidden to return.  People are falling sick in the streets and sometimes dying within hours.  It is a seemingly hopeless situation. But not quite.

Camus wrote most of The Plague during World War II and finished it shortly thereafter.  It bears the imprint of his life in occupied France during the war.  As the plague spreads, the city in his book begins to resemble a Nazi-occupied territory.  Quarantines are established and public activities are limited and controlled.  Then, as the disease spreads further, deaths multiply exponentially.  Sick people are carted off to so-called health centers to die, and the town begins to seem more like a Nazi deathcamp.  But with an important caveat.     

Nazi deathcamps were designed to degrade and demoralize people before they were killed.  Despondency and despair among the inmates were deliberately cultivated.  The goal was to turn people into lifeless zombies so they would passively stumble off to execution.  Inmates were also encouraged to turn on each other.  The goal was to destroy the prisoners’ morale, induce them to give up their morality, and pit them against each other.  As socially and psychologically isolated individuals, they would give up hope, be unable to act together, and be more easily managed. 

The Nazi concentration and death camps were highly successful operations.  They were models of efficiency in their methods of dehumanizing and destroying inmates.  In the aftermath of World War II, the Nazis were widely credited with having demonstrated that people could be turned into zombies.  It was a lesson that reverberated throughout postwar Western society.  The dehumanization of people into masses of robot-like inmates of concentration camp-like societies became a main theme of mid-twentieth century academic literature and as well as fiction.  A host of studies and stories described ways in which this could occur. 

The psychiatrist Bruno Bettelheim, for example, himself a concentration camp survivor, reported that the Nazis had succeeded in reducing most inmates to a state of passivity and obedience.  The historian Stanley Elkins claimed that American slavery was essentially similar to a concentration camp and that slaves were reduced to an automaton-like state.  Sociologists David Reisman, Nathan Glazer and Reuel Denny claimed that modern society isolated people into a lonely crowd of automatons. 

Senator Barry Goldwater claimed that people in the Communist Soviet Union were living in a giant concentration camp and being brainwashed into zombies. The philosopher Herbert Marcuse claimed that capitalist society was essentially similar to a concentration camp and reduced people to one dimensionality.  The novelist George Orwell described a world in a permanent state of war that reduced people to a concentration camp mentality.  These are just a few examples of the thinking at that time.  The dangers of mass psychology and zombification were warned about everywhere.  The zombie theme even permeated popular culture and zombie movies were very popular.

Camus’ The Plague is an antidote to this mass psychology hysteria.  The plague-ridden city he describes in his book shares many of the characteristics of a concentration camp.  But, and this is the key, the citizens do not on the whole develop the concentration camp mentality that most people in the mid-twentieth century would have expected to result from such a situation.  Camus presents, instead, a plausible picture of how a society can be hit with a plague without losing its soul.

In Camus’ story, most people keep their cool, and do so in the most trying circumstances.  Normality is encouraged by the town officials and leading citizens, and is largely maintained.  Most people keep up with their regular employments and enjoyments as best they can.  “Every day, around eleven,” the narrator reports, “there’s a parade of young men and women down the principal arteries, where you can see the passion for life that grows in the heart of great suffering.”  Coming out on the other side of grief, people keep up the faith that things can and will go on. 

And for the most part, they do not become completely antisocial.  People come together in public spaces.  They gather together in restaurants and dance halls, and keep communal connections and community activities alive.  “At noon,” the narrator reports, “the restaurants fill in the blink of an eye” and people stand in lines to wait for a table.[2] 

It is not smooth sailing. People alternate short periods of ecstatic activity with longer periods of deepest depression.  But through it all, most people carry on with their work as usual and their lives as best they can, keeping up the hope that things will return to normalcy someday.  Most telling, there are seemingly no suicides, suicide being something you would expect if people feel hopeless. 

Instead of becoming completely self-absorbed, many people volunteer for a public service corps that helps the sick and others in need, even at great risk to themselves.  “Scourges are actually a communal thing,” the narrator says.  You can’t just focus on saving yourself.  You have to see yourself as part of larger community and act as such.[3]

And, significantly, their public spirit is not seen by their fellow citizens or treated as heroism.  It is just people helping out, being good neighbors.  Charity as a way of life.  Some people who are initially reluctant to help do so anyway on the grounds that they cannot not live with themselves otherwise.  Their social selves predominate over their selfish selves. 

Nor is this public spirit a function of any specific philosophy or religion.  At the beginning of the plague, the leading Catholic prelate in town preaches a sermon in which he claims the plague is God’s punishment for the people’s wickedness.  People are getting what they deserve.  But by the end of the book, the priest is volunteering to help sick people and promoting measures to end the plague.  One after another, characters who are highlighted in the book, but who are just ordinary people, come around to helping others and volunteering in their spare time to support the authorities.

The first character to be concerned about the plague, and the main character in the book, is Dr. Rieux.  He is one of the first to recognize the disease as a plague and to call for remedial actions.  He then persists through the whole plague year in trying to help the sick and find a cure or preventive vaccine for the disease.  The story is told from his point of view, ostensibly based on notes that he and a comrade took contemporaneously during the plague.  At the end of the book, it is revealed that Dr. Rieux is the narrator. 

The doctor tells a grim tale. This is understandable given his experience of being helpless as day after day and month after month all of his patients dies until eventually a vaccine is developed.  He tells with great pain how after a few months of the disease, people stop welcoming him as a healer into their houses and, instead, begin shunning him as a herald of death because a visit from him means that the plague has come to their homes, and that death for some and maybe all of the inhabitants is nigh. 

But Rieux persists in his calling, with faith for the day, hope for the morrow, and care for his fellow citizens.  He says of himself that he is “a man with a fondness for his fellow humans, weary of the world he is living in, and determined, for his part, to refuse injustice and concessions,” no matter the outcome.[4]

Although he never catches the disease, Rieux suffers from absence of his wife who has been visiting elsewhere and cannot return because of the plague.  At the end of the book, Rieux was told, and he tells us, that his wife had just died of something other than the plague.  It is absurd and ironic that he comes into contact with this highly infectious disease all day every day and survives.  His wife misses the plague, but still dies.

Rieux’ main sidekick in the book is Jean Tarou.  Tarou is in Oran on vacation and gets trapped by the plague.  He speaks most clearly as an apostle of absurdity who believes that life is a losing battle against death and suffering, but one that must, nonetheless, be waged cooperatively with others.  Never give up is his credo.  And he helps Rieux with anti-plague efforts.  Ironically, Tarou dies of the plague at the end of the book just as a vaccine has been developed and the plague is over.  It is absurd and tragic that he works with the diseased for many months without getting sick, but then gets sick and dies just when a preventive vaccine is finally available.

Another main character, Rambert, is a Parisian journalist who is trapped in Oran by the plague. He tries over and over again to escape from the city, but one after another his plans for escape fall apart or fail.  In the interim between efforts to escape, he volunteers with Rieux and Tarou in helping with plague victims.  Finally, toward the end of the book, when he can safely be smuggled out of the city, Rambert decides to stay and help with the anti-plague efforts.  He cannot live with himself if he escapes the disease but leaves his friends in a lurch.

Faith, hope and charity permeate Camus’ characterizations of Rieux, Tarou, Rambert and other citizens in The Plague.  It is ironic that sentiments of Saint Paul would predominate in a work of the atheist Camus, but not surprising.  Camus was what we might call a lapsed Catholic or what he himself called “an independent Catholic.”  Given his background and moral commitments, it makes sense that the moral of his story is a secular version of Saint Paul’s mantra.  Camus saw in people a life-affirming commitment that runs counter to the hopeless feeling promoted by the dismal facts of life.  It is a persistence of faith, hope and charity that is absurd but essential to our humanity.

Defining Absurdity?  An Absurdity?

Camus was a proselytizer of absurdity.  Life is absurd, he proclaimed, and it is the better part of wisdom to recognize that fact and work with it.  It is a proposition that Camus illustrated in all of his works, especially including The Plague.  Absurdity is, however, a slippery concept, more easily illustrated than explained and not always easily understood.  For one thing, one has to distinguish between absurdity in common colloquial parlance from absurdity as a philosophical concept.  Camus uses both meanings. 

Absurdity in the colloquial sense is defined in the Merrium-Webster Dictionary as “ridiculously unreasonable, unsound or incongruous.”  This definition essentially encompasses the failure of things to turn out the way we think they should.  If something has worked every time for many times and now doesn’t work, we think it is absurdly unreasonable or incongruous.  Absurdity in the philosophical sense is defined by Wikipedia as a “theory that the universe is irrational and meaningless” and that “trying to find meaning leads people into conflict with a seemingly meaningless world.”  The definitions relate to each other but also conflict.     

Looking at the colloquial definition of absurdity from the perspective of the philosophical definition, the colloquial definition could itself be considered absurd.  For something to be unreasonable in the colloquial definition, there must first be some idea of reasonable.  That, however, is just what the philosophical idea of absurdity denies.  There is no such thing as reasonable, so there can’t be any such thing as unreasonable.  Similarly, for something to be unsound or incongruous, there must be some generally accepted ideas of soundness and congruity, which the philosophical idea of absurdity denies.  So, what can we say about absurdity?  We can at least say we know it when we see it.  Donald Trump as President of the United States is an example of the colloquial definition of absurdity.

Absurdity in the colloquial sense is not necessarily fatal or forever.  Things that are absurd in the colloquial sense can generally be fixed so that they cease to be unreasonable and incongruous.  Trump, for example, could be impeached from office.  Most commentators think, however, that there isn’t any fix for philosophical absurdity.  There is no way, they say, to overcome the meaninglessness of things, and people just have to face up to that fact.  They even claim that it is a sign of maturity to be willing to accept absurdity as a condition of the universe and meaninglessness as a fact of life. 

Camus is often cited as a proponent of this dark definition of absurdity.  And in some of his bleaker statements, Camus sounds as though he is promoting this sort of fatalistic and nihilistic meaning of absurdity.  But he isn’t.  Camus is both darker and lighter in his ideas.  On the one hand, he contends you cannot say that the universe is meaningless because you don’t have the right to speak of either a universe or of meaning.   This is a definition that borders on nihilism. 

On the other hand, however, Camus propounds a lighter idea of absurdity as something that is inevitable – everything ultimately is meaningless – but is not acceptable.  It is one thing to acknowledge meaninglessness but another to accept it.  He acknowledges it, but still rejects it.  He insists on looking for meaning even as the knows it is not to be found.  It is a position that seems consistent with a reading of Saint Paul’s exhortation to faith. hope and charity.

An Atheistic God.  A Hopeless Hope.  A Careful Love. 

So, how does a self-styled atheist whose gospel is hopelessness and meaninglessness become an apostle of faith, hope and charity?  The answer, I think, lies in the difference between ideas and feelings.  Camus rejects the ideas of faith, hope and charity, especially as they are conventionally defined, but his novels reflect a sentiment of faith, hope and charity.  A belief is an idea.  To Camus, a belief in God was the death of the intellect.  Likewise, the idea of hope, meaning in traditional Christian terms a belief in an afterlife, was a debilitating opiate of the people.  And the conventional idea of charity, defined as giving things to those who have too little, was an insincere effort by those who have too much to assuage their bad consciences.

But faith, hope and charity can flourish with secular meanings.  Faith can be described as a response to the question of why the universe holds together and doesn’t disappear in the next moment.  Logically, there is no reason why it shouldn’t.  Just because the universe has been around for some five billion years is no logical reason to believe it should continue that way.  Such a belief is an example of the empirical fallacy in logic.  Religious believers avoid the empirical fallacy by assigning the task of holding the universe together to God.  For atheists like Camus, however, God won’t do.  

Leaving aside the improbability of God, for Camus the pain and suffering that exist in the universe render the idea of God obscene.  Dr. Rieux in The Plague is an avowed atheist.  He says that if he believed in God, he would just give up trying to do good because he would have to conclude with the Catholic priest that the plague is from God.  And if the plague is from God, then to hell with Him.  But since Dr. Rieux doesn’t believe in God, “he believed he was on the true path, fighting against creation, such as it was.”  He concludes ironically that “perhaps it’s better for God if we don’t believe in him and if we fight against death with all our might, without raising our eyes to the heavens where he keeps silent.”[5]   

But while a belief in God may be unacceptable, it is still hard not to feel that there is something or Something that holds things together, that makes disparate things into a universe and keeps it from falling apart or disappearing in the next moment.  The confidence which we all have – at least those of us who are relatively sane – that things will persist and won’t break up into pieces or disappear at any given moment is a form of faith.  It is an absurd faith.  But one which we can see in the main characters in The Plague.  You can call it God if you want, or Dog or Super Glue or Mustard, or whatever…

If people cannot live without faith in the universe, neither can they live without hope.  Not necessarily the religious hope of life eternal or a belief in an afterlife.  That is an idea of hope that we don’t see in The Plague.  Hope among the book’s characters is defined by the feeling that they will live for the next moment.  Anticipating the next moment is something that people do instinctively, feeling immortal even while recognizing their own mortality.  It is not logical to feel that one will be alive in the next moment, or the next, or the next, ad infinitum.  But it’s almost impossible not to feel that way.  It’s an absurd hope.  It was the hope of people in The Plague as they acknowledged death but refused to accept it either for themselves or for others.

Charity permeates The Plague as Camus’ characters try to save their fellow citizens.  Not charity in the conventional sense of looking down on your social inferiors and giving them some alms.  Nor is it sympathy for others, feeling bad for them.  Rather, it is empathy, sharing their troubles and feeling bad with them.  As we see it in The Plague, charity is sharing among equals.

It is a sharing that derives from the credo “I think, therefore we are,” which is the obverse of Descartes’ famous credo “I think, therefore I am.”  Descartes’ formula is, in fact, nonsense.  There can be no “I” without first there being “you.”  We only know ourselves through contact with others.  I can have no sense of myself without my first having a sense of others with whom I can compare myself and get a sense of “I.”   It is my relationship with others that defines me.

We see ourselves as mirror images of what we see of ourselves in the gaze of others.  Charity, then, is a way of defining myself favorably in your eyes so that I can, in turn, see myself favorably.  Charity is caring for others as yourself.  Not merely as though they are you but as though they are, in fact, a part of you.  Not feeling their pain but inhabiting their pain.  Not loving your neighbor as if your neighbor were yourself but as your neighbor is yourself.  Charity is a commitment to caring and a feeling of solidarity.

Making Meaning Out of Meaninglessness.  Making Trump-Free Zones Out of Absurdity.

Camus is an apostle of absurdity and the meaninglessness of the universe.  But for Camus, absurdity is not a dead end of meaninglessness.  Absurdity is a two-sided dialectic.  On the one hand, it is meaningless to claim that everything is meaningless because that would make that statement meaningless as well, and it would involve you in an infinite regress of meaningless statements about meaninglessness.  That doesn’t stop Camus from proclaiming that all is meaningless, but it leads him into an ironic antithesis. 

According to Camus, we cannot live without meaning, even if that meaning evaporates under closer scrutiny.  There is also no meaninglessness without first there being meaning.  You can’t have less meaning – meaning less -unless you first had more meaning.  And there is no meaninglessness without a renewed search for more meaning.  Absurdity starts with a stab at meaning and a sliver of hope which are then dashed against the reality of meaninglessness and hopelessness.  But then the cycle starts up again with another stab at meaning and sliver of hope.

Nihilists, who reject any search for meaning, confound acknowledging something with accepting it.  It is one thing to acknowledge meaninglessness, which is a key to absurdity, and another to accept meaninglessness, which is the opposite of absurdity.  The absurd person acknowledges absurdity but fights against it and never accepts it.

As The Plague came to an end, Dr. Rieux and his comrades were relieved and rejoiced.  They were also resigned to the likelihood that the plague could return.  The doctor warned his comrades not to become complacent.  “The plague bacillus never dies or disappears” and it can return at any time.  In Camus’ absurd universe, nothing is ever for certain and nothing is ever forever.  Which is no reason not to keep fighting, to rejoice at victories, and to hope that lasting progress has been made.[6]

But looking back on the plague year, the doctor is gratified at the public spirit most people had shown.  At what is in effect the faith, hope and charity of the populace.  He concludes that even “in the middle of scourges, there is more to admire in humanity than there is to scorn.”  During the plague, people came out of their shells and came to realize that “There were no longer any individual destinies, only a collective story of the plague and the feelings everyone shared.”  There were no great heroes, the doctor explains, “such as those you can find in the old tales.”  Just ordinary people doing what they saw as their duty.   And it is astonishing, the doctor says, that they never ran out of people willing to deal with the sick and the dead, that there were so many people who would risk getting the plague in order to do the public good.[7]

Rieux is also gratified and grateful that even in the midst of the plague, people did not completely give up their lives to the plague.  While fighting the disease, they continued to do the sorts of things that make life good.  Eat, drink and party.  Play music, dance and sing.  Whatever made them happy.  They “undertook to recapture their happiness and to deprive the plague of that part of themselves they would defend to the last.”  Developing what can be called Plague-Free Zones in themselves, among themselves, and in their city.[8]

And that is the moral of this essay.  That in the midst of the current plague of Trump and MAGA we should not let him deprive us of that part of ourselves that we would defend to the last.  That we don’t get so caught up in the negative of responding politically but also, most importantly, emotionally to Trump, that we are unable to act positively in our own lives.

Trump’s strategy is to throw out a constant stream of provocations with the aim of absorbing all of his opponents’ time and energy in responding to them.  His goal is to get his opponents so wrapped up in responding to him that we cannot promote our own programs and policies and, just as important, cannot demonstrate in our own lives what we value the most.  If we do that, if we focus all are attention on him, he wins. 

So, my proposition is that even as we work in opposition to the evils that Trump and his MAGA mates would inflict on us, we all of us try also to set up Trump-Free Zones in ourselves, among ourselves, and in our society.  To do like the populace in The Plague and live out our faith, hope and charity in the face of the plague around us.  To do whatever positive and creative things we can.  And, as Jesse Jackson has been wont to say: “Keep hope alive!”

                                                                                                                        BW  2/25


[1] Albert Camus.  The Plague.  Alfred A. Knopf.  New York: 2021.

[2] P. 82.

[3] P. 30.

[4] P. 14.

[5] Pp. 86-87.

[6] P. 207.

[7] P. 111.

[8] P. 94.

Historical Cycling and Recycling.  Back to the Future in the Age of Trump.  Social Democracy v. Social Darwinism.  The Golden Rule v. The Rule of Gold.  A Fascist Resurgence? A Socialist Revival?

Historical Cycling and Recycling.

Back to the Future in the Age of Trump.

Social Democracy v. Social Darwinism.

The Golden Rule v. The Rule of Gold.

A Fascist Resurgence? A Socialist Revival?

Burton Weltman

“The past isn’t dead.  It isn’t even past.”

William Faulkner.

Gilded Age Redux: Déjà vu all over again.  The Golden Rule v. the Rule of Gold.

I am writing this missive in early February, 2025.  We are currently rushing past the first quarter of the twenty-first century while significant efforts are being made to hurl us back to the last quarter of the nineteenth century by right-wing reactionaries who want to Make America Great Again (MAGA) by destroying all of the progress that was made during the twentieth century.

The late nineteenth century was a Gilded Age of plutocracy and political cronyism, blatant demagoguery and government corruption, rampant racial bigotry and religious prejudice, widespread poverty and homelessness, plagues of virulent diseases, and a host of other societal ills.  Many of these ills have been ameliorated by progressive reforms during the twentieth century.  Social Security.  Medicaid.  Medicare.  Civil Rights Laws. Civil Liberties Rulings. The list goes on.  The fabric of American society has become more humane thereby.      

The repeal of these reforms and a return to the state of things that prevailed during the Gilded Age seems to be the goals of self-styled MAGA populists who have very little in common with the original populists of the late nineteenth century.  The original populists were reformers who promoted the progressive social changes that the MAGA movement is against.  MAGA supporters seem to think that America was greatest when it was most nasty, corrupt, and brutish.  It is a fascistic, might-makes-right conception of greatness.  Currently led and misled by Donald Trump, MAGA has momentum and we are in the midst of a MAGA moment in history.

It is a difficult moment for progressives.  We are experiencing a historical cycling and recycling that we could do without, the return of an atavism that we thought was being overcome and gradually done away with.  It is discouraging but it does not have to be disheartening.  There may be a silver lining or sliver of hope in the fact that the Gilded Age was followed by the Progressive Era and then the New Deal, which initiated most of the liberal social changes that the MAGA mob hate. 

The evils of the Gilded Age provoked a historic social reform movement which was, in turn, largely inspired by socialist ideas.  Socialism was a mainstream ideology during the Progressive and New Deal eras of the first half of the twentieth century, competing with liberal and conservative ideologies in the political arena.  While socialists hoped to gradually replace the capitalist system, liberals adopted many socialist ideas in the hope of reinforcing the existing system.  Working in cooperation with liberals, socialists and the Socialist Party of the early twentieth century were the source of many of the progressive reforms that eventuated during the century.  Almost all of the Socialist Party platform for the 1912 election was, for example, subsequently enacted into law. 

Channeling socialist ideals, liberal and socialist progressives adopted a mantra of “The Golden Rule instead of the Rule of Gold.”  Likewise, the socialist ideal of working cooperatively with others, instead of the capitalist idea of working competitively against them, was a main progressive idea.  Socialist ideas permeated the progressive reform movements.  Socialists also held many important positions in local and state governments and the federal government during the first half of the twentieth century.  That changed after World War II.  Socialism became a taboo word during the Cold War when conservatives successfully equated democratic socialism with totalitarian Communism in the media and the public mind.    

But that, too, seems now to be changing.  Despite the present-day reign of Donald Trump and his minions, or maybe because of it, the idea and ideals of socialism have been revived in recent years.  This revival has included the emergence of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), an organization that largely functions as a left-wing of the Democratic Party, and the election of DSA members and other social democrats to Congress and to local government offices.

Since socialism seems to be back on the political agenda, it may be useful to try to define and discuss what socialism actually is.  And that is the purpose of this essay.       

Democratic Socialism Redux: It’s back on the agenda.  Individuality v. Individualism. 

The word socialism was first used as a political term around 1830.  From its inception, the term has denoted more of a moral message than a political or economic system.  Socialism is an ideology which holds that “the self-development of each is the basis for the self-development of all” (Karl Marx), that one should act according to the maxim of “all for one, and one for all” (The Three Musketeers), and that one should “love thy neighbor as thyself” (Jesus Christ).  It is an ideology that promotes individuality through mutualism and cooperation.

Socialism is a pro-social philosophy.  When you add “ism” to a word, you identify an ideology or a cause that promotes what the word represents.  Socialism asserts that individual freedom is a result of social interaction.  Individuality means freely cultivating your talents within a social context, and finding a place in which you can make your unique contribution to society.  Individuality is not merely freedom from the oppression of others, but also freedom to participate equally with others.  It is the idea that my freedom depends on yours, and we are nothing without each other.  That’s the ideal of socialism.

Socialism arose in opposition to capitalism and individualism.  Capitalism can be defined as an economic system that is based on the presumption that businesses will be privately owned and operated without government interference, unless that presumption is overcome by conclusive evidence that government involvement is necessary to preserve the capitalist system.  In a capitalist system, the goal of businesses is to make profits, based on the assumption that maximizing profits will result in maximum benefits to the public.  Capitalism as an economic system is supported by individualism as a social theory.

Individualism is an ideology that promotes a cult of the individual, and that describes the individual as in constant opposition to society.  Individualism asserts “me” and “mine” over “we” and “ours.”  It promotes the individual over society, for fear that society will suppress the individual.  And it promotes competition among people rather than cooperation.  This premise is based on two key premises.  First, the idea that competition makes people stronger and more productive.  And second, that competition keeps people isolated from each other so that they cannot form social coalitions that might suppress individuals.  Society is to be mistrusted.   

Individualism is, therefore, an ideology of liberation, but also of insecurity.  It encourages people to be themselves, free from the constraints of others, and be all that they can individually be.  But it bases that self-fulfillment on competing for supremacy against others.  In an individualist world, people can never be sure whether their positions are strong enough to withstand the whims of lady luck or the winds of change. 

A down-side of individualism is that it can function as an ideological rationalization for the selfish and self-centered bully, who climbs over others in a vain attempt to be king of the hill, vain because there is inevitably someone stronger or smarter coming up that hill.  Individualism reinforces the free enterprise capitalist economic system that has predominated in the United States since the early nineteenth century.  Individualism gradually became the dominant ideology in the country during the nineteenth century and, despite inroads from socialist ideas, has largely reigned as such since. 

Unlike individualism, socialism asserts the compatibility and indivisibility of the individual and society.  Socialism claims that individuals and individuality stem from interacting with other people and with society.  For socialists, “One for all and all for one” is a fact, not merely an aspiration.  You are nothing without others, and you are what you do with others. 

Likewise, “Love thy neighbor as thyself” is, for socialists, a fact and not merely an aspiration.  If you think well of yourself, you will likely treat others well.  If you treat others poorly, competing to defeat and dominate them, you will likely think poorly of yourself.  Socialism opposes individualism, but not individuality, as self-defeating.  Individualism comes from working against others, ultimately a losing proposition, individuality from working with them.

Individualism promotes the Social Darwinian zero-sum idea that if you get more, I will get less, and that the only way for me to get and keep mine is to keep you from getting yours.  It is an ideology that promotes distrust and fear of others. 

Although few right-wingers today acknowledge Social Darwinism as a source of their ideology, Social Darwinism is the principle that underscores most of the thinking of Donald Trump and the political right-wing in the United States today.  Unlike conservatives who oppose dramatic social change and big government, but are generally willing to accept small reforms and government programs when necessary to avoid disaster, right-wingers are radicals who want to dramatically change society and virtually eliminate government and the public sector.  It is a view that hinges on mobocracy instead of democracy. 

Unlike right wing ideology, socialism is not a radical idea.  By definition, radicals want to get to the roots of what they see as a wicked society, tear up those roots, and plant something entirely new.  Socialism does not reject the foundations of American society.  The idea of socialism builds on the social ideals that most Americans already hold, and on social instincts that most Americans already display.  Socialists do not have to start from scratch.  They can build on the democratic institutions and ideas that already exist in capitalist America, and thereby move gradually toward a socialist political, economic and social system.  

A socialist political democracy could be described as a system of majority rule with minority rights, the most important of which is the right of the minority to possibly become the majority someday.  That last clause is the most important in the definition.  Implicit in the definition are freedoms of speech, assembly, and political organization; the rule of law along with due process and equal protection under the law; and all of the other political rights guaranteed by the Constitution.  But the definition also requires social equality and economic equity so that individuals and minority groups can effectively exercise their political rights.  That is where the socialism comes in.  Political democracy is effective only to the extent that social equality and economic equity prevail.   

In economics, the idea of socialism is economic democracy.  The economic goal of most socialists could be summarized as a system based on the presumption of public ownership or control of businesses, unless it is in the public interest for businesses to be privately owned and/or controlled, and with an assumption that small businesses would be privately owned and operated.  A mixed economy of public and private business is the idea of socialism, with government involvement to ensure economic equity.

Implicit in that definition are such things as a public health system along with health and safety regulations, a public insurance system along with a social safety net, minimum and maximum wage regulations along with a progressive income tax, and other provisions to make for a cooperative, stable, and relatively egalitarian economy.  Socialism promotes the public interest in economics, and opposes a capitalism in which everyone and everything is valued in monetary rather than human terms.  It builds on American ideals of fairness and practices of generosity.

In social relations, the idea of socialism is social democracy.  Socialism promotes the dignity of all people, and opposes discrimination against people based on invidious prejudices.  A socialist conception of personal relations could be summarized as support for everyone who respects others, and opposition to anyone to the extent the person disrespects others.  Implicit in that idea is opposition to racism, misogyny, ethnocentrism, homophobia, and bigotry in all its forms, and support for diversity coupled with cooperation.  That is the American ideal of E pluribus unum.       

Back to the Future: Democratic Socialism v. Social Darwinism.  The choice is ours to make.

The idea of socialism held by most socialists is very different than that held by opponents of socialism.  As part of their political liturgy, conservatives and right-wingers have tried to make socialism a dirty word, and to represent socialism as the enemy of individuality and freedom.  The idea of socialism is often mischaracterized by opponents, and even by some self-styled socialists, mostly those who identify as Communists, as promoting government ownership or control over all businesses and, maybe, even over everything else.  The idea of socialism is also misidentified with oppressive Communist regimes that have existed in some countries.  But, neither of these is consistent with the idea of socialism nor what most socialists believe. 

This misconception is based on a claim that socialists worship society over-and-above the individual, and to which the individual can be sacrificed.  This is a core idea of totalitarianism.  It is anathema to individualists and is the basis of their seeing society as the enemy of the individual.  But reifying and idolizing society is also contrary to the idea of socialism.  Most socialists see society as an association of individuals which can and should be a vehicle for individuality, and oppose the totalitarianism implied in seeing society as a hegemonic entity.

Socialists are often portrayed as violent revolutionaries, but the overwhelming majority of socialists from the early nineteenth century to the present day have favored peaceful evolution toward socialism.  Socialists have generally tried to establish islands of socialism within the existing capitalist society that would island-by-island gradually move society toward the socialist goal. 

They have, for example, established communes, like those of the nineteenth century utopian socialists and the twentieth century hippies, some of which have been successful.  Socialists have also encouraged the establishment of cooperatives, which have been more successful.  Farming co-ops, housing co-ops, shopping co-ops, and co-ops of all sorts have flourished over the last one hundred years.  The hope is that the cooperative idea will catch on with ever more people, so that communes and co-ops will gradually become the norm. 

At the same time, socialists have developed ideas for social reforms and social programs that have been adopted over the years.  Most of the social programs proposed in the 1912 platform of the Socialist Party have, in fact, become law in the United States.  The hope is that by adopting regulations that promote the health and safety of the public, promote economic equity and efficiency, protect the environment, and care for those who need help, the country will gradually become more socialized. 

Most people would describe these reforms positively in humanistic terms, and see them as a means of stabilizing the existing capitalist society.  Right-wingers, however, decry them as “creeping socialism.”  Socialists hope they are right.

                                                                                                                                    BW  2/25 

Brief Bibliography.

Eric Foner. “Why is there no socialism in the United States?” In Who Owns History? New York: Hill and Wang, 2002. Pp. 110-145.

Micheal Harrington. Socialism. Past & Future. New York: Arcade Publishing. 1989.

George Lichtheim. The Origins of Socialism. New York: Frederick A. Praeger. 1969.

In the Beginning: The Choices and the Choice. The Utopian Impulse in American History. The Golden Age of Utopianism, 1820’s to 1850’s: In Pursuit of a More Perfect Union. Part II.

In the Beginning: The Choices and the Choice.

The Utopian Impulse in American History.

The Golden Age of Utopianism, 1820’s to 1850’s:

In Pursuit of a More Perfect Union. Part II.

Burton Weltman

“We have it in our power to begin the world over again.”

Tom Paine

The Utopian Origins of European Americans.

The utopian impulse in American history began with some of the first European immigrants to America.[1]  John Winthrop, in what can be considered his founding speech for the Puritan colony in Massachusetts in 1630, called upon his comrades to build a cooperative community that would reflect the glory of God and be “A modell of Christian charity” for all the world to follow.  He said that “we must be knitt together in this worke as one man” and “must entertain each other in brotherly affection.” 

Fleeing, the Puritans developed utopian proposals and sought to establish an ideal community in America. The Puritans were not socialists, but they were communitarians, that is, devotees of the common good over individual success.  Those, Winthrop said, who were fortunate enough to be rich must share their wealth with the poor and give up their luxuries “for the supply of others’ necessities.”  The rich must help the poor in their material need and, in turn, the poor must help the rich in their spiritual need.[2] 

Although Winthrop’s vision promoted the communitarian idea of one for all and all for one, there were inherent tensions within his ideal between the individual and the community that eventually undermined his goal.  In Puritan ideology, the goal of saving oneself in the eyes of the Lord was supposed to be consistent with the obligation of serving the Lord’s community, and the economic success of an individual was supposed to support the spiritual success of the community.  Theoretically and theologically, economic success would come to those individuals who were best serving the community and, in turn, an individual’s success would be a sign that the person was doing the Lord’s work. 

But things did not always work out that way.  The Puritan commonwealth was economically so successful that it attracted outsiders who did not share the community’s spiritual or collectivist goals.  When many of these outsiders became economically successful individuals, which was supposedly a sign they were doing the Lord’s work, the Puritans’ spiritual and communitarian ideals were undermined. 

Although the utopian goals with which the colony was founded were an essential ingredient in the success of the community — their ideals sustained colonists through hard times and provided them with the cooperative attitude that was essential in building the colony — the utopian spirit waned during the course of the seventeenth century.  In a sense, the community failed through success.[3]

The Utopian Origins of the American Revolutionaries.

The American revolutionaries who founded the United States during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries had utopian aspirations similar to those of the Puritans.  The historian Gordon Wood has called the American Revolution “one of the great utopian movements in American history”[4] and it was seen as such by the Founders themselves.  Expressing the sentiments of most revolutionaries following the Declaration of Independence, Tom Paine exclaimed in utopian terms that “The birthday of a new world is at hand” and that “We have it in our power to begin the world over again.”[5] 

According to Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Franklin and other Founders, the Revolution would unleash the virtue of the American people so that they could build a republican society that would be a model for the world.  Their republican vision of politics and government was to a large extent a secular version of Winthrop’s model of Christian charity.  It encompassed both a commitment to shared and sharing community institutions — the res publica or public thing — and an emphasis on the individual’s role in serving the community — the virtuous man as a public servant.  All for one and one for all would benefit one and all. 

But there were tensions within the Founders’ republicanism as there had been within the Puritans’ ideals, tensions exemplified by the motto that the Founders chose for their new country: E Pluribus Unum — out of many comes one and out of one comes many.  In the Founders’ view, communalism was supposed to foster individualism and individualism was supposed to foster communalism.  That, however, is easier to say than to do and almost from the founding of the republic, there developed an intense debate between those who would emphasize individualism over the community and those who would emphasize cooperation over individualism.         

The Founders were both utopians and self-styled realists who saw themselves as trying to establish the most perfect government they could imagine for what they believed was inevitably an imperfect society made up of imperfect people, including themselves.  Theirs was an open-ended utopia rather than a fixed and rigid plan for society.  This pragmatic utopianism is reflected in the Constitution, which allows for endless amendments and continually changing interpretations as society evolves.

Perfection was for the Founders not something that could ever be achieved in substance but could be approximated in the processes they had established in the Constitution.  Perfection was for them the subject of an endless quest, the eternal “pursuit of happiness” promised in the Declaration of Independence.  And it required a social theory and a social structure that “would forever remain free and open,” flexible and ecumenical.[6] 

Things did not turn out exactly as the Founders expected in the wake of winning the Revolution and establishing the Constitution.  Instead of cooperation and unity among citizens, there developed partisan politics and regional conflicts.  But the country expanded enormously in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and this expansion encouraged and enabled the emergence of new utopian visions of America. 

American history during the second quarter of the nineteenth century can, in fact, be described as a battle between the proponents of three different utopian visions, that of a mercantilist commonwealth, a communal socialism, and a free enterprise capitalism.  It was the highpoint of utopian theory and practice in the United States, and the struggle among these visions left a permanent imprint on the country.  And the struggle between these three visions is the focus of this second part of “The Utopian Impulse in American History.”

Utopian Visions: Mercantilism, Socialism, Individualism.

Each of the three utopian visions – mercantilist, socialist and individualist – shared aspects of the Founders’ ideals but took them in different directions.

Mercantilist Republicanism.  The vision of a mercantilist commonwealth was based on the Founders’ traditional republican ideals, especially their pursuit of virtue.  This was a vision of a centrally controlled society with a government-controlled economy, governed by a natural aristocracy of the best and the brightest, and aiming toward the general welfare of one and all.  This was the view of both Hamiltonian and Jeffersonian republicans.  Their republican descendants, such as John Quincy Adams, emphasized the Founders’ belief that virtue was its own reward, and that a virtuous elite could and would rule in the interests of the common good.   

The key to this vision, and what made it utopian, was its dependence on the emergence of an elite leadership of the best and brightest Americans who would rule the country based on a consensus among themselves as to what was best for the country and a consensus of support from the populace.  This republican view of top-down social control and evolutionary social change derived in large part from the Whig tradition in England.  Like English Whigs, American Whigs such as John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay promoted a centrally controlled capitalist economy similar to the mercantilism that England had practiced during the eighteenth century.  Clay’s “American System” of national improvements and support for a national bank exemplified this program. 

Clay’s stated goal was “to secure the independence of the country, to augment its wealth, and to diffuse the comforts of civilization throughout the society” and to do this “by blending and connecting together all its parts in creating an interest with each in the prosperity of the whole.”[7]  Clay and other traditional republicans emphasized the responsibility of the central government to promote the public welfare and of the natural elite to care for the general populace.

Communal Socialism.  The vision of a communal socialism had as its foundation the fact that most Americans lived in small communities in which cooperation among citizens was essential for their survival.  This was a vision of a decentralized society of small cooperative communities in which members would share the work and the produce, and would engage in exchange with other similar communities to the mutual advantage of all.  Utopian socialists, such as Albert Brisbane, emphasized the Founders’ republican commitment to e pluribus unum and one for all, all for one.

Utopian socialism is a model of social change that seeks to combine an immediate revolution in the lives of people who join a cooperative community with a gradual evolution in the structure of society as more and more people voluntarily join such communities and these communities proliferate.  Utopian socialists generally hope to combine a cooperative economic system within each community with a market relationship between different communities.

Utopian socialism is ostensibly a means of peaceful revolution in the lives of community members and peaceful evolution of society.  Unlike militant revolutionaries, utopian socialists reject violence.  Unlike social reformers whose incremental changes only gradually improve people’s lives, utopian socialists immediately live the intended good life in their cooperative communities.  Whereas for revolutionaries the end justifies the means, and for reformers the means are everything and there is no end, for utopians the end is in the means.  The thrust of utopian socialism is to build model communities that others will emulate when they see how well these communities can work.[8]

The key to this vision and what makes it utopian is its dependence on people reigning in their egos and genuinely cooperating with each other.  And like the Puritan colony, most utopian communes in America have historically been plagued with conflicts between individualism and communalism, dictatorship and democracy, creativity and conformity, which have led to the demise of most of them.[9]  

Utopian socialist communities were, however, a highly visible part of colonial America and were considered a viable option in colonial society.  Most of the socialist communities founded during the colonial period were based on religion.  Prominent among them were the Bohemian Manor in Maryland that lasted from 1683 to 1727, the Ephrata Cloister in Pennsylvania that lasted from 1732 to 1814, and the various Shaker communities in the Northeast and Midwest that began in the 1770’s and lasted into the early 1900’s.  These were substantial communities that lasted for substantial periods of time. 

Religious communes continued to proliferate after the Revolution and throughout the nineteenth century — the Mormons, for example, began as a socialist community.[10]  Secular socialist communities proliferated as well, especially in the period from the 1820’s through the 1850’s.  The English industrialist Robert Owen and the French thinkers Joseph Fourier and Etienne Cabet were the most popular utopian theorists of that time.  The most famous of the secular socialist utopias were New Harmony established by Owen in Indiana, Brook Farm established by George Ripley in Massachusetts based on Fourier’s ideas, and Icaria established by Cabet in Texas.[11]   

Utopian socialism was not considered an outlandish or unrealistic option during the early nineteenth century, and it was taken seriously by elite leaders and ordinary people alike.  When Robert Owen visited the United States during 1824 and 1825 to promote his utopian socialist vision and establish the New Harmony community, he was well received personally by Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe, John Quincy Adams and John Calhoun, and he twice delivered speeches outlining his plans to the House of Representatives. 

In a speech to Congress on February 25, 1825, Owen argued that “Man, through ignorance, has been, hitherto, the tormenter of man,” even in the relatively enlightened United States.  The cause of this evil, he claimed, was what he called “the trading system” of individualist competition in which everyone tries to get the better of everyone else.  Economic competition, Owen complained, breeds anger, hate, irrationality, ignorance and war.  And it brings “a surplus of wealth and power to the few, and poverty and subjection to the many.”  Cooperation, he claimed, brings greater liberty, equality, efficiency, harmony and happiness to all.  Owen concluded with the hope that his new community would be a model for the United States.[12] 

Utopian socialism had wide popular appeal and attracted considerable popular attention during this time.  The influence of utopian socialist thinking in America is exemplified by the more than one hundred utopian novels published in the United States during the nineteenth century, many of them best sellers.  Most of these novels portrayed societies that were not impossible to establish and some were the basis of utopian experiments.[13]  Horace Greeley, the influential editor of the New York Tribune, the preeminent newspaper in ante-bellum America, was a convert to the utopian socialist ideas of Fourier.  Greeley employed Albert Brisbane, Fourier’s most prominent American disciple, to write a regular front page column on Fourierism in the Tribune, and Greeley supported the founding by Brisbane of some thirty socialist communes around the United States.[14]

Fourierist communities, which made up the biggest number of secular utopian communes during the second quarter of the nineteenth century, were based on the general principle of from each according to his/her abilities, to each according to his/her needs.[15]  This principle meant that everyone would be treated with equal consideration but not exactly the same.  People with different abilities and skills would be given different tasks and different levels of responsibility.  Every person would play a dignified role in society of his/her own choice that fit with his/her interests and abilities and that contributed to the common good, but with some people having more decision-making power than others. 

In this respect, Fourier’s ideas were similar to the Founding Fathers’ ideal of a natural aristocracy or what we today might call a meritocracy.  For this reason, Brisbane claimed, Fourier’s ideas epitomized the American way of life and were “the culmination and expression of all those social ideals that had built the American Republic.”[16]  Properly implemented, according to Brisbane, Fourier’s plan would resolve the conflict between the individual and the community that had plagued the Puritans and American social reformers ever since.  But proper implementation required a large number of people with a variety of skills, more people and resources than the fledgling Fourierist communities could ever muster.          

 Brook Farm was a Fourierist community of intellectuals founded by George Ripley during the 1840’s “to ensure a more natural union between intellectual and manual labor than now exists; to combine the thinker and the worker as far as possible in the same individual.”  Ripley and his colleagues hoped that their experiment would be a model of how to do away with social class distinctions, “opening the benefits of education and the profits of labor to all,” so as  to “permit a more wholesome and simple life than can be led amidst the pressures of our competitive institutions.”[17] 

In The Blithedale Romance, Nathaniel Hawthorne reflected in fictional form on his experience as a member of Brook Farm, and complained that “The peril of our new way of life was not lest we should fail in becoming practical agriculturalists, but that we should probably cease to be anything else.”  Hawthorne claimed that mixing manual labor with mental labor worked to the detriment of intellectual life, and he concluded that farmers and intellectuals “are two distinct individuals, and can never be melted or welded into one substance.”[18] 

His was a common conclusion among intellectuals at the time, but it is called into question by the fact that the most successful projects at Brook Farm and at Owen’s New Harmony were their schools.  These utopian schools were models of progressive education for their time and provided creative alternatives to the common schooling model that was becoming the norm in American education during the middle of the nineteenth century.  With schools that stressed thinking and creating over drilling and memorizing, intellectual life was fostered in these and other communities.[19]

Some one hundred utopian socialist communes were established in all parts of the United States during the second quarter of the nineteenth century.  Many of these communities lasted for decades.  Some were economically so successful that, like the Puritans’ Massachusetts Bay colony, they lost their utopian purpose along the way.  The Amana Society, for example, was founded as a religious commune during the mid-1840’s and became very successful as a cooperative commercial enterprise. 

This commercial success eventually led to conflicts between old-time members and newly recruited members over whether all should share equally in the wealth of the community or whether old-timers should get extra financial credit for the efforts they had initially put into making the community a success.  Members of Amana were eventually given shares in the community proportionate to their input into the business, and the commune was thereby transformed into a manufacturing corporation that has been producing high quality appliances from the nineteenth century to the present day.[20]  In a similar vein, the Mormons started as a radical, abolitionist, communitarian sect but eventually became a conservative, pro-capitalist community.

Utopian socialism flourished during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in large part because it fitted in well with the way most Europeans settled in America.  Contrary to the impression that is usually created in conventional narratives, the decision to come to America during the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was not typically made by an individual who wanted merely to better his or her own social and economic position, but by a group of people who wanted to build a new and better community for themselves and for posterity. 

From the Pilgrims and Puritans on through the early twentieth century, most immigrants came from Europe to America as groups of people who had lived in the same locality in their old country and then settled together in the new country.  They came as a community with the intention of maintaining their community.  Likewise, when European-Americans moved westward across the continent, they generally moved in groups, first setting up new towns and community institutions before attempting to attract more people.  It took cooperation among a village of people in order for anyone to survive in newly settled lands. 

So, the community came first, individual people came after.  Communalism and cooperation formed the primary pattern of immigration to the United States and migration within the country through the nineteenth century, and this provided plausibility and opportunity for the development of utopian socialist communities. 

 Capitalist Individualism.  The vision of an entrepreneurial capitalism was based on the prevalence and success of small farmers and manufacturers in America.  Entrepreneurial individualists, such as Andrew Jackson, envisioned a society of small farms and businesses that would compete with each other in a market place free of government interference.  The actions of entrepreneurs would be governed by the “hidden hand” of the free market to produce the best possible results for each individual and for the society as a whole. 

This vision picked up on the Founders’ republican ideal of the heroic individual but largely dismissed the Founders’ concerns for the community.  Laissez-faire individualism was a new development in early nineteenth century America.  While traditional histories, in an ex post facto line of reasoning, try to portray laissez-faire capitalist individualism as stemming from settlers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, it wasn’t so.

Capitalist individualism developed in large part out of opposition by Jacksonian Democrats to the mercantilist economic policies being promoted by President John Quincy Adams, Senator Henry Clay, and Nicholas Biddle, who was the director of the Bank of the United States (BUS).  Jackson and his followers demonized the BUS as a “monster” and claimed that Biddle was using his influence over the country’s banking system to strangle small farmers and businessmen in favor of the rich.[21]  Its goal was what the historian James Willard Hurst has called “a release of energy,” that is, to unleash the latent entrepreneurial energies of ordinary Americans.[22]  

Utopian individualism is an anti-communitarian prescription for social development in which each person is responsible for making a revolution in his own life.  In its extreme form, it even denies the existence of society as a collective entity — what we call society is just a collection of individuals.  It is the ideal of the self-made man.  In this vision, society exists in a state of perpetual upheaval as individuals compete with each other and defeat one another, with the better man winning and thereby contributing to social progress. 

Utopian individualism is supported by a simplistic form of egalitarian theory which swept the country during the early nineteenth century, and which maintained that anyone could become anything he wanted — and this was a “he” ideology.  This moral theory was derived in large part from the philosophy of John Locke.  Locke taught that humans found happiness through exercising their talents in collecting property.  He claimed that society existed to further the “life, liberty and property” of individuals, goals which could be best obtained through a limited government that protected private property and encouraged competition among people.[23]

Utopian individualism is also bolstered by a simplistic laissez-faire economic theory which became popular during the mid nineteenth century.  This theory maintains that anyone should be able to do anything he wants and that it is every man for himself to succeed or fail on his own.  Utopian individualism promises that with everyone doing anything and everything he wants, a productive competition among people will ensue and this competition will be guided by an “invisible hand” (often equated with God) toward an ideal outcome.  A key to this vision was, and is, its dependence on the magic of the marketplace and the deus ex machina of competition. 

Economic individualism has historically been supported by a misreading of Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations that has interpreted Smith as favoring a weak government and a laissez-faire economy.  While Smith objected to mercantilism as a system that was inherently corrupt and that stifled both creativity and cooperation, he, in fact, supported a strong government and a cooperative community, something that many of his self-styled followers have missed in using his name to support their laissez-faire individualistic ideas.[24]  As the ideology of individualism developed during the nineteenth century, American individualists cited Smith in rejecting both the mercantilism and the communalism that had largely prevailed in America during the colonial period.  And what began as opposition to government controls that were considered oppressive to ordinary people developed into opposition to almost any government intervention in the economy.

The rise of laissez-faire individualism in the United States was aided by social, economic and demographic developments.  Enormous opportunities for individual advancement were made possible by the territorial expansion of the country during the first half of the nineteenth century (the Louisiana Purchase and the conquest and purchase of Florida during the first quarter, then the annexation of Texas and the conquest of Mexican territories during the second quarter), and by the economic expansion of the country that resulted from the beginnings of the industrial revolution.  Despite the institution of slavery and slave plantations in the South, the United States was overwhelmingly a country of small-scale farmers and businessmen who operated in large part on their own initiatives, and whose activities made an individualistic ideology plausible.[25]

Utopian individualism was also bolstered by the transformation of the typical American farm during the mid nineteenth century from a neighborly endeavor to an isolated enterprise.  During the colonial period, most farmers lived with other farmers in a close-knit village.  In the nineteenth century, as farmers spread into the vast spaces of the Midwest, many came to live on solitary farms at a considerable distance from their neighbors.[26]  This isolation gave support to the myth of the self-made, self-sufficient man that became a predominant ideal for Americans during the later nineteenth century, and continues as such with many people to the present day.[27] 

Utopian individualism became the political ideology of the Jacksonian Democrats who dominated American government for most of the second quarter of the nineteenth century and who used the ideal of the self-sufficient, freedom-loving individual to beat down their Whiggish opponents.[28]  President Martin Van Buren summarized this view when he defined the goal of Jacksonian Democrats as “a system founded on private interest, enterprise, and competition, without the aid of legislative grants or regulation by law.”[29] 

Utopian individualism was a self-contradictory vision that confuses freedom – a free-for-all in which everyone does whatever they want – with liberty – in which people make choices within limits that are set by the community and that are in the best interests of individuals and the community.  Liberty is the promise of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, not freedom which is a self-contradiction.  It is a contradiction that we are still struggling with today. 

This is the second of three parts to this essay on utopianism.  “Part I: Historical Cycles” was posted in 9/24.  “Part III: Individualism Triumphant” is intended to be posted in 11/24.                                                                                                                                              BW  10/24


[1] The gist of the essay is taken from a chapter of a book that I published some years ago called Was the American Revolution a Mistake, Reaching Students and Reinforcing Patriotism through Teaching History as Choice (2013).  The book looks at historical turning points in which people had to consider their feasible options, make what they decided were their best choices, and then evaluate the consequences of their actions.  

[2]  Primary Source: John Winthrop. “John Winthrop: “A Modell of Christian Charity (1630)” American History. ABC-CLIO, 2011.

[3]  Secondary Source: Perry Miller. Errand into the Wilderness. (New York: Harper & Row, 1956), 1-15.

[4]  Gordon Wood. The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969), 54.

[5]  Quoted in William Goetzmann. Beyond the Revolution: A History of American Thought from Paine to Pragmatism. (New York: Basic Books, 2009), 3.

[6]  William Goetzmann.  Beyond the Revolution: A History of American Thought from Paine to Pragmatism. (New York: Basic Books, 2009), xi.

[7]  Quoted in William Appleman Williams. The Contours of American History. (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1966), 264.

[8]  Arthur Bestor, Jr. Backwoods Utopias. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1950), 4, 10-16.

[9]  Robert Sutton. Communal Utopias and the American Experience: Religious Communities, 1732-2000. (Westport, CN: Praeger, 2003), x, 1-11, 17-31. 

[10]  Thomas O’Dea. The Mormons. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), 18, 186-197.

[11]  Robert Sutton. Communal Utopias and the American Experience: Secular Communities, 1824-2000. (Westport, CN: Praeger, 2004), 7-16, 37-44, 53-70.

[12]  Primary Document: Robert Owen. “Speech to Congress.” American History Online. Facts on File, Inc., 2011.

[13]  Ellene Ransom. Utopus Discovers America or Critical Realism in American Utopian Fiction, 1798-1900. (Nashville, TN: Joint Universities Libraries, 1947), 3-4.

[14]  Robert Sutton. Communal Utopias and the American Experience: Secular Communities, 1824-2000. (Westport, CN: Praeger, 2004), 5-6, 23-25.  William Goetzmann. Beyond the Revolution: A History of American Thought from Paine to Pragmatism. (New York: Basic Books, 2009), 365.

[15]  Brett Barney & Lisa Paddock. “Fourierism.” American History Online. Facts on File, Inc., 2011.

[16]  Arthur Bestor, Jr. “Albert Brisbane – Propagandist for Socialism in the 1840’s .” New York History, Vol. XXVIII. (April, 1947), 146.

[17]  Quoted in Alice Felt Tyler. Freedom’s Ferment. (New York: Harper & Row, 1944), 177.

[18]  Fiction: Nathaniel Hawthorne. The Blithedale Romance. (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Co., 1961), 7. 81-82.

[19]  Arthur Bestor, Jr. Education and Reform at New Harmony. (Indianapolis, IN: Indiana Historical Society, 1948), 399.  Arthur Bestor, Jr. “American Phalanxes: A Study of Fourierist Socialism in the United States.” Doctoral Dissertation, Yale University. (University Microfilms No. 70-23, 045, 1938), 230.

[20]  Alice Felt Tyler. Freedom’s Ferment. (New York: Harper & Row, 1944), 131.

[21]  Secondary Source: Edward Pessen. Jacksonian America: Society, Personality, Politics. (Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press, 1969), 146-148.

[22]  James Willard Hurst. Law and the Conditions of Freedom in the Nineteenth-Century United States. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1956), 32.

[23]  John Locke. The Second Treatise of Government. (New York: Liberal Arts Press, 1952), 48, 70-71.  C.B. MacPherson. The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964), 194-262.

[24]  James Buchan. The Authentic Adam Smith: His Life and Ideas. (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2006).  Garry Wills. Inventing America: Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2002), 232, 254.

[25]  James Willard Hurst. Law and the Conditions of Freedom in the Nineteenth-Century United States. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1956), 8.

[26]  David Hawke. Everyday Life in Early America. (New York: Harper & Row, 1988), 153.

[27]  James Willard Hurst. Law and the Conditions of Freedom in the Nineteenth-Century United States. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1956), 7.

[28]  Edward Pessen. Jacksonian America: Society, Personality, Politics. (Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press, 1969), 227, 296.

[29]  Quoted in William Appleman Williams. The Contours of American History. (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1966), 246.