Shakespeare’s “Henry VIII.” The Bard Takes a Stand Against Absolutism. A Morality/Amorality Play for our Trumpian Times.

Shakespeare’s Henry VIII.

The Bard Takes a Stand Against Absolutism.

A Morality/Amorality Play for our Trumpian Times.

Burton Weltman

 

Setting the Stage for Henry VIII: History Repeating.

Prologue:  A darkened stage.  An offstage voice reads the Prologue. The Prologue warns the audience that this is a sad play in which the mighty fall and the righteous don’t necessarily triumph.  The last lines are ironic and darkly humorous given Henry VIII’s many disastrous marriages, two of which ended with him decapitating his wives: “See how soon this mightiness meets misery: And if you can be merry then, I’ll say a man may weep upon his wedding day.”  The Prologue, lines 30-32.

As the reading of the Prologue proceeds, the lights gradually go up, slowly revealing a very fat man sitting with his back to the audience.  The man is eating noisily and occasionally shouting out “Off with their heads!  Off with their heads!”

When the stage is fully lighted, the man turns toward the audience and he turns out to be a Donald Trump look-alike, with a Trump facemask and an orange wig.  The man stands and faces the audience. He takes off the wig and the mask, dons a regal cape and a crown, and he becomes Henry VIII.  Lights down.  On with the play.

The Relevance of Henry VIII: A warning about James I and Donald Trump. 

Henry VIII is a tragic-comic take-down of King Henry VIII.  The play deprecates both the personal life and the political actions of King Henry, focusing especially on his lust for absolute power.  Henry is portrayed as a combination of childish buffoon and amoral evil genius, habitually manipulating others and making public policy to satisfy his own personal desires, and aiming always at expanding and exerting his personal power.  His reign is portrayed as a perpetual round of persecutions, prosecutions, and executions.  The play has a superficially happy ending, but it is an ending that Shakespeare’s audience would have known was historically the beginning of another round of turmoil and terror.

The thesis of this essay is that Henry VIII is a political statement by Shakespeare in opposition to absolutism and, as such, it is implicitly critical of King James I, the English monarch when the play first appeared in 1613, who claimed absolute power by divine right.  The play can also function as a criticism of President Donald Trump, whose personality and behavior are essentially similar to those of King Henry, and whose claims to absolute power are similar to those of Kings Henry and James.  Mimicking the claims of James, Trump is frequently proclaimed a divinely appointed President by his supporters, an anointment he has not denied.  The implicit comparison of Henry’s political pretensions to those of James made for the relevance of the play to Shakespeare’s audience.  The parallels between Henry and Trump make for the relevance of the play to us today.

As a corollary to his political statement, Shakespeare also makes a historical statement in Henry VIII that all is not necessarily well that seemingly ends well, and that an apparently happy ending is not justified by despicable means.  The play contains, in this regard, an implicit warning to Shakespeare’s contemporaries about the potential for political turmoil in seventeenth century England of the sort that prevailed during and after King Henry’s reign in the sixteenth.  Absolute power means absolute enmity which makes for perpetual conflict.  It is a warning that is also all-too-relevant to us today living through the reign of would-be-king Donald Trump.

The thesis I am proposing is an unconventional interpretation of the play.  It is based on an assumption that the play is best understood the way Shakespeare’s audience would have understood it, which is within the context of sixteenth and early seventeenth century history.  I think that understanding the play in this way makes it a better play and makes it relevant to our Trumpian world today.  That is what I will try to show in this essay.

Henry VIII in the Shakespearean Canon: Deserves better than it gets.

Henry VIII is a dramatization of the year 1533 in the life of the English King Henry VIII.  It was a significant year for Henry and for the future of England.  In the course of the play, Henry splits the English Church from the Catholic Church and makes himself the head of it, divorces his long-time wife Katherine, and marries his mistress Anne.  Anne then gives birth to the future Queen Elizabeth.  Henry also has several of his closest friends and advisors beheaded, including the Duke of Buckingham and Cardinal Wolsey.  It was a seminal year in English history.  A year befitting a play.

Henry VIII is made up of elements that one would think should make it a popular play. It contains the pathos of high-born people being brought low, some justly, others unjustly.  It features eloquent and moving speeches, particularly those by the doomed Buckingham and Wolsey and the deposed Katherine.  It includes biting and insightful personal and political commentary by observant characters, especially the Duke of Norfolk and his friends.  It is also full of pageantry that can make for an engaging spectacle.

The play has not, however, been highly regarded or widely performed.  It has been almost invariably disparaged by critics, including the likes of Samuel Johnson in the eighteenth century, Tennyson in the nineteenth, and Mark Van Doren and Harold Goddard in the twentieth.  Part of the problem critics have had with the play is that it was a collaboration between Shakespeare and John Fletcher.  Fletcher was a young writer in Shakespeare’s theater company with whom Shakespeare collaborated on several of his later plays.

Scholars have disputed for many years as to which sections of the play were written by Shakespeare and which by Fletcher.  Much of their disagreement has centered on the different poetic styles of the two writers and, particularly, the different meters they characteristically used.  The question of which of them wrote what is not important to this essay.  This essay focuses on the message of the play and not its meter.  The point is that irrespective of who wrote which lines, the overall meaning and message of the play would certainly have been set by the senior and widely celebrated writer, Shakespeare.

Harold Goddard summed up the opinion of most critics when he deprecated the play as “more pomp and pageantry than drama,” and complained that “Henry VIII is such an anti-climax” after The Winter’s Tale, The Tempest and the other great late Shakespeare plays.[1]  I think, however, that there is more drama and meaning in the play than is usually recognized, and that the biggest problem with the play has been the failure of critics to see it within its historical contexts, and to see it as Shakespeare’s audience would have.  Seeing it that way could make the play more interesting and illuminate its relevance for Shakespeare’s audience in 1613 and us today.

The Plot: All that glitters is not gold.

The plot of Henry VIII is fairly simple and quite compact.  While the play consists of five acts with a prologue and an epilogue, its action falls into three main parts.  The first part details the downfall and decapitation of the Duke of Buckingham. His demise is engineered by the power-hungry Cardinal Wolsey who is jealous of anyone close to the King.  Act I. Scene.2. Lines 170-200.

The second part describes the downfall and decapitation of Cardinal Wolsey, engineered in large part as revenge by some of Buckingham’s allies. Act III. Scene 2. Lines.1-13.  And the third part portrays the downfall of Queen Katherine, engineered by the King, and the rise of Queen Anne Boleyn, ending with the birth of the future Queen Elizabeth. The play closes with a boisterous celebration of the birth of Elizabeth and a prediction that hers will be a glorious reign.  As he leaves the stage at the end, Henry VIII is ecstatic.

In the conventional interpretation of the play, Henry VIII is portrayed as a brute but all is well that ends well.  In this view, Shakespeare was supposedly saying that Henry was a nasty specimen of a ruler but that since the glorious reign of Queen Elizabeth was the long-term result, Henry’s misdeeds were worth it.  A typical interpretation concludes that “The play ends with this great event [Elizabeth’s birth] and sees in it a justification and necessity of all that has preceded.  Thus history yields its providential meaning…”[2]

In this view, the celebration at the end of the play and the prediction that England’s future was secure are taken at face value. Shakespeare was supposedly saying that bad means can produce good ends.  I don’t agree.  And I think if that was all there is to the play, then the hostile critics may be right.  But I think there can be more to the play.  It’s a question of seeing the play within its contexts, that is, within the contexts of Shakespeare’s other history plays, the course of English history after 1533, and the state of English society in 1613 when Shakespeare wrote the play.

Henry VIII in the context of Shakespeare’s other history plays.

Henry VIII is one of Shakespeare’s last plays, and it is the last and the most contemporaneous of his history plays.  The reign of King Henry VIII was not ancient history to Shakespeare and his audience.  Shakespeare’s audience would have considered the reign of Henry VIII to be the beginning of the modern era, that is, their era.  They would have traced their present circumstances back to Henry’s regime.  This is significant because the play doesn’t just treat Henry VIII’s personal life with disdain, it treats his political decisions and pretensions to absolutism with contempt.  A pretension to absolutism that could be viewed as very similar to that of King James I.

Throughout the play, the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Suffolk and the Earl of Surrey comment on the action in the play as it occurs, almost like a Greek chorus. The play opens with Norfolk facetiously recounting a meeting of Henry with the King of France.  He mockingly describes two very obese figures, covered in gold, silver and silk finery, awkwardly dismounting from overburdened horses and embracing.  Norfolk laughingly says he “beheld them when they lighted, how they clung in their embracement, as they grew together; which had they, what four throned ones could have weighed such a compounded one?”  Act I, Scene 1, Lines 8-10.

Norfolk goes on from there to denigrate Henry’s policies as well as his person, policies that tend toward personal political absolutism, not unlike the pretensions of James I to monarchial absolutism.  Throughout the play, Norfolk and his companions complain that Henry is emasculating the nobility, taking their power, taking away their ability to check his actions, and making them into dandified courtiers.  Their powerless also leaves the nobles’ livelihoods and even their lives subject to the whim of the King.  Absolute power for the King, absolute insecurity for his subjects.

The result that we see in the play is a kingdom full of people conniving against each other for the King’s favor, even to the point of having competitors killed, and a King who can destroy anyone with the snap of a finger, whether or not the person is guilty of any wrongdoing.  Henry’s pretensions to absolute power leads to the turmoil that we see during Henry’s reign in the play.  Absolute power for the monarch, complete chaos for the country.

Henry VIII was the culmination of Shakespeare’s consideration of English history, his tenth play on the subject, and it seems to contain a verdict on that history.  I think that verdict is “Enough already.”  Enough of the power trips and power struggles, the persecutions and executions, the demagoguery and deceit, that permeated the English history that Shakespeare dramatized in his plays.  Shakespeare is known for his ability to portray both sides of most issues, leaving it to his interpreters to decide which, if any, side is in the right.[3]  Creative ambivalence was his forte.  Not so, I contend, in this play.

Taking a side does not make Shakespeare into some kind of radical.  To the contrary.  A tension between traditionalism and modernism, old ways and new, between what we might today call conservatism and liberalism, runs through Shakespeare’s plays, with Shakespeare generally seeming to tilt toward traditionalism.  That is the case here.

Monarchial absolutism was a recently developing phenomenon in Europe.  With the rise of a wealthy capitalist class from which kings could finance their governments and the development of guns with which they could raise armies of plebian soldiers, kings were gaining independence from the nobles upon whom they had previously been dependent for money and soldiers.  Kings began to assert control over unified nation-states as distinguished from the conglomerations of disparate fiefdoms over which they previously had presided.  In Henry VIII, Shakespeare came down against this radical innovation.

In a history play such as Henry VIII, the historical events that it does not portray can be as important to the meaning of the play as those that it does portray. This is especially the case if the author can assume the audience knows about those omitted events and that the audience will consider them part of the context of the play.  I think this is the case with Henry VIII.  It is a play in which the events that are portrayed point to events with which Shakespeare’s audience would have been familiar but that come after the play’s ending.

Henry VIII, Henry VIII and Sixteenth Century English History.

Henry VIII is a history play but it deals with events that members of Shakespeare’s audience would have considered the recent past or even part of the extended present, in the way that many people in America today consider the McCarthy witch hunts of the 1940’s and 1950’s.  Written during the years 1612-1613, it portrays events of the year 1533 that significantly changed the course of English history.  And it intimates the havoc that one man with too much power can wreak on a society.

During the year 1533, King Henry VIII undertook a series of selfish, self-centered actions for personal gain that effectively revolutionized English society.  Apoplectic that the Pope would not approve a divorce for him from his wife Katherine, Henry divorced England from the Catholic Church and made himself the head of a Protestant Anglican Church.  This set off battles within England between Protestants and Catholics, and between Anglican Protestants and so-called Nonconformist Protestants, that still resonate today and that were vehemently fought for some two hundred years after Henry’s death.

Having made himself head of the Church, Henry then made Church offices a matter of personal royal patronage, with bishops and archbishops coming and going at his whim. Over the long term, this patronage system made Church policy and practices depend on which political party or faction was in power, significantly diminishing the stature of the Church.  Henry also confiscated massive amounts of Catholic Church property, kept some for himself and gave the rest to his allies.  This had the effect of furthering the development of a capitalist economy in England, albeit a corrupt, crony capitalism in which monopolies for lucrative businesses were given to friends and allies of the King.

Henry centralized political and economic power in himself, developed a cult of personality in himself, and made everyone pay court to him.  He arbitrarily and summarily turned against allies, even prosecuting and executing many, so that everyone nervously and obsequiously hovered around him, seeking to stay in his favor.  Finally, Henry fathered a series of children who had conflicting claims to the throne.  This made for political turbulence and violence as each asserted his or her claims, and for political uncertainty and instability from Henry’s death down to Shakespeare’s present day.

Although we can see all these things developing in the play, and Shakespeare’s audience knew the unhappy denouement, the play ends on a boisterously happy note.  It is seemingly a moment of equipoise.  Henry has apparently established his dominance over church and state in England, has papered over the differences between those in his realm who remained loyal to the Catholic Church and those who were pushing England toward a Protestant Church, and has an heir in the person of the baby Elizabeth.  It’s a happy ending.  Or so it may have seemed in 1533.

The felicity at the play’s end is enhanced by an apocryphal prediction made by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer.  Shakespeare invents for Cranmer a long speech in which Cranmer predicts that baby Elizabeth will grow up to become a sensational queen.  At this prediction, King Henry gushes “Archbishop, Thou hast made me now a man; never before this happy child did I get anything” and so forth for a dozen more gushing lines to end the play.  Act V. Scene 5. Lines 62-75.

But an ending is also a beginning, and a moment of equipoise is not forever.  We know today, and Shakespeare’s audience knew then, that Henry already had a daughter Mary, who was born of Katherine and who could have been his heir. But with the annulment of Henry’s marriage to Katherine, Mary had become an illegitimate child and not a potential heir to the throne.  Or so it was thought in 1533.  But Shakespeare’s audience knew better, and worse.  Mary was one day to become the Queen known as Bloody Mary.

From the vantage point of 1533, the play has a happily-ever-after ending.  But not so fast.  Shakespeare’s audience in 1613 would have known that in 1536, only three years after this happy ending, Henry would annul his marriage to Anne for failing to produce a male heir, and have her beheaded.  So, Henry really wasn’t as happy with the birth of Elizabeth as he may have appeared at the time or that Shakespeare made him appear at the end of the play.  And upon the annulment of Henry’s marriage to Anne, Elizabeth became an illegitimate child and was no longer a potential heir to the throne.  Or so it seemed in 1536.  Shakespeare’s audience knew better.

Shakespeare’s audience would also have known that Henry became paranoid in the years following 1533, afraid of both Protestant and Catholic opponents of his halfway religious reforms, and harried by a host of pretenders to the throne that his father had violently seized before him.  Henry proceeded after 1533 to kill off most of the most important people who were at one time close to him.  Of the characters in the play who were close to him in real life, Henry executed five during his lifetime: the Duke of Buckingham, Cardinal Wolsey, the Earl of Surrey, Thomas Cromwell, and Queen Anne Boleyn (spelled Bullen in the play).  Shakespeare’s audience would have known all of this.

Henry also ordered the execution of a sixth character in the play, the Duke of Norfolk, who was a main ally of Henry in reality and in the play.  Fortunately for Norfolk, Henry died before the decapitation could be carried out and Norfolk was saved.  A seventh character who is named in the play, Thomas More, another of Henry’s close confidents, was also subsequently executed by Henry.  An eighth character, Archbishop Cranmer, was under Henry’s suspicion for many years but survived his reign only to be executed later by Henry’s daughter Queen Mary.  As with the Red Queen in Alice in Wonderland, “Off with their heads” was the order of the day during King Henry’s reign and thereafter.

Finally, Shakespeare’s audience would have known that the death of Henry VIII unleashed a civil war between Protestants and Catholics in England, a bloodbath that continued for over twenty years and was still simmering in Shakespeare’s time.  Having veered back and forth between Catholic loyalists and Protestant reformers, Henry left them at each other’s throats when he died.

Upon Henry’s death in 1547, he was succeeded by his ten-year old son Edward, the product of his third wife, Queen Jane, the one after he had disposed of Anne.  Reigning as a mere child, Edward VI was guided by Archbishop Cranmer, an arch-Protestant who duly persecuted Catholics.  Edward died after only six years in office, having likely been poisoned by opponents of his religious policies.

Edward was succeeded in 1553 by his sixteen-year old cousin Lady Jane Grey.  She ruled as queen for nine days until she was overthrown and later executed by Edward’s sister, Bloody Mary. Like her mother Katherine, Queen Mary was a staunch Catholic.  She restored Catholicism as the religion of England, had Archbishop Cranmer killed, and had some three hundred other Protestants burned at the stake during her reign.

When Mary died in 1558, she was succeeded by Queen Elizabeth who ruled until her own death in 1603.  It’s at this point that the prediction that Shakespeare put into the mouth of Archbishop Cranmer in the play seemingly came true.  Elizabeth reigned long and well for England.  She began her reign with the enactment in the early 1660’s of a fairly generous Poor Relief Act.  Then she signed a peace treaty with France that finally ended some five hundred years of sporadic war over English claims to parts of France, which had been the subject or the background of several of Shakespeare’s plays.  And she oversaw the beginning of a very lucrative trade in African slaves that over the years became a foundation of English prosperity, albeit a disaster for Africa and Africans.

Elizabeth’s reign was not without conflicts and violence.  She outlawed Catholicism and restored Protestantism as the religion of the land.  There were ongoing persecutions during her time of Catholics in England and attacks by Catholic countries against England, including the famous Spanish Armada of 1588.  But these troubles were tame compared to the reign of Bloody Mary.  There were also prosecutions and executions of alleged plotters against Elizabeth, including Mary Queen of Scotts in 1587 and the Earl of Essex in 1601.  But, again, these were few and far between compared to the murderous reigns of Henry VIII and his immediate successors.

Forty-five years of stable government must have seemed a blessing to Elizabethan English people.  But at what price Shakespeare seemed to be asking?  Does Elizabeth’s reign justify the horrors of the reigns of Henry VIII and his successors before Elizabeth?  In making the last scene in Henry VIII a celebration her birth, I think Shakespeare was highlighting the horrors that had occurred during the play and that were yet to come after.

In this context, I think that the celebration at the end of the play, along with the pageantry elsewhere in the play, should be seen as ironic.  Shakespeare’s directions call for several scenes in which crowds of noblemen and noblewomen parade across the stage.  These scenes are usually staged as extravaganzas, with gorgeous costumes and sets, and seemingly accounts for complaints like that of Harold Goddard that the play is more pomp than drama.  The celebration at the end of the play is generally staged as though Shakespeare intended the audience to think this really is a happy ending.  But it isn’t, not if you know what happened next.  So, I would do things differently.

As a means of underling the shallowness of the King and his nobles, I would attire them in gaudy, garish, foolish-looking clothes and have them surrounded by a common people who are poorly dressed.  I would have the nobles parading around in ridiculously foppish and buffoonish fawning ways.  In this way, the ostentation can be seen as Henry’s, not Shakespeare’s, and the pomp can become part of the drama rather than a substitute for it.

This staging would be consistent with the complaint at the very beginning of the play by the Duke of Norfolk, a spokesperson for reason in the play, that Henry has dandified the nobility.  Although historically, as nobles became decreasingly needed as warriors, they increasingly became mere courtiers, Norfolk blames this dandification on the baleful influence on Henry of the French, which is something Shakespeare’s anti-French audience would have reacted viscerally against.  Act I. Scene 1. Lines 13-30.

Historical Message of Henry VIII: Power Corrupts the Powerful and the Powerless.

Shakespeare’s history plays are not historically precise and were not meant to be factually literal.  In these plays, Shakespeare took some historical figures plus some historical events and constructed a story out of them.  He took poetic liberty in delineating the main characters in the plays and in reconstructing the events.  The history plays were seemingly intended to convey messages about both history and current events, and to contain a moral to their stories.  Henry VIII is, I think, is no exception.

Commentators have frequently said that in his last plays, Shakespeare was trying to resolve and reconcile things that had perplexed him during his life.  In The Winter’s Tale, for example, which was written between 1609 and 1611, he deals with divisions and reconciliations among friends and family members.  In The Tempest, which is attributed to the years 1610-1611, he deals with the relation between life and art.  Prospero’s magic in The Tempest is generally seen as a metaphor for Shakespeare’s art, and Prospero’s abandoning his book of magic at the end of the play is widely regarded as a metaphor for Shakespeare’s abandoning the theater and moving toward retirement.[4]

Henry VIII is one of Shakespeare’s last plays.  If it falls into this category of bucket-list plays, what was he trying to say in it?  Michael Wood has opined that Shakespeare was trying to reconcile Catholics and Protestants.  In support of this contention, Wood notes that the two most sympathetic characters in the play are the Catholic Katherine and the Protestant Cranmer.[5]  I think that there is something to this suggestion but that there is also more to the play.

I think Shakespeare was trying to reconcile himself to the brutality and false promises of English history as he had portrayed it in his nine previous plays about English Kings.  In historical chronology, the plays started with King John, the regime in which the Magna Carta codified the rights of John’s subjects, and especially the nobles, against the King.  The plays dramatized an alternation of good and bad kings, with the hopes raised by the one being dashed by the next.  In Henry VIII, I think Shakespeare intended to show that the vicious cycle was still going around, even in his present-day.

Toward this end, Shakespeare invented an ostensibly happy ending to his play in which all the previous power struggles, persecutions, prosecutions, and executions had somehow been set aside and forgotten in the end.  A social equipoise had seemingly been achieved and a new beginning was ostensibly at hand.  Shakespeare, thereby, implicitly raised the question of what if Henry VIII had actually been satisfied with the situation he had engineered?  What if he had been content to be married to Anne and to have Elizabeth as his heir?  But he wasn’t.  And maybe he couldn’t be.

In Shakespeare’s plays, power generally corrupts and the desire for absolute power corrupts absolutely.  A power-hungry person can never have enough power.  There is always someone who has power he doesn’t have and must have to be satisfied.  But he can never be satisfied.  Because there is always someone threatening his power, and more power to be had.  That is what seems to drive characters such as Richard III and Macbeth in Shakespeare’s plays, as well as Henry VIII.  And Donald Trump today?

Shakespeare’s plays are full of examples of power turning people bad.  This was especially the case with royal children who were raised to be powerful.  In Henry VIII, the King’s personal satisfaction was his first and seemingly only priority.  A Trump-like, selfish, self-centered, self-willed person, Henry was so corrupted by power that he could not see past his own desires.  Having been born to royalty and raised to be king, Henry VIII was completely corrupted by the ability to have what he wanted when he wanted it, no questions asked.  He was the most powerful man in the kingdom, but with the mentality, desires and emotional control of an adolescent.  Sound familiar?

Portrayed in the play as a cunning capo, Henry ran his government like a mafia boss in charge of a mobster gang.  Loyalty to him and to whatever he wanted was all that counted.  That is why Archbishop Cranmer is saved at the end, despite facing charges similar to those that had brought others down:  Not for any religious, humanitarian, or other matters of principle.  He was saved because he was crucial in getting Henry his so-called divorce from Katherine.

While Henry is corrupted by possessing power, the nobles and others who hang around him in the play are corrupted by their proximity to power.  Many of them are high-born and powerful in their own right but they are like moths hovering around the more powerful King.  They woo Henry, giving him whatever he wants, and getting what they can out of the relationship.  But their well-being and even their lives depend on satisfying the whims of a capricious man-child.  Most of them eventually fail at this, and die for their efforts.  Anne Boleyn, for example, adamantly insists in the beginning of the play that she would not want to be queen and wouldn’t accept an offer of marriage from Henry. But, she does.  And she dies as a consequence.  Act II. Scene 3. Lines 22-40.

The nobles are corrupted by their proximity to power.  The masses of people are corrupted by their remoteness from power and their vicarious enjoyment of the King’s power.  Act IV, Scene 60, Lines 60-95.  Shakespeare portrays the common people as devoted to the King no matter how awful his behavior and how much damage he does to the country.  This is not unlike many supporters of President Trump in the United States today. Like Trump supporters, Shakespeare’s common people share a suspicion, envy, and hatred of those above them in the social and intellectual hierarchy of the day, and they love their leader for his attacks on those people.  They love him because he humiliates the people who humiliate them, even though they are also humiliated by him in the process.

Henry VIII, James I and Seventeenth Century English History.

In condemning Henry VIII’s power-tripping, I think Shakespeare was pointing to the pretensions to absolutism of King James I, and in highlighting the horrors that followed Henry’s reign, I think Shakespeare was raising doubts about the happy ending of his own time.  James I was not the philanderer and libertine that Henry VIII had been.  In fact, James was a narrow-minded, self-righteous pedant.  But he shared with Henry a lust for power.  Like Henry, James had been born and raised to be a king.  He became King of Scotland in 1567 at the age of eleven before becoming also King of England in 1603.  He had lived a life of power, with people bowing and scraping before him since he was a child, and he believed he was God’s special agent on earth.

When James became King of England, he commissioned a translation of the Bible that is called The King James Bible, the most popular English-language version of the Bible to this day.  A man with his own version of the Bible is likely to think well of himself.  And he did.  When James was still just King of Scotland, he had written a book entitled The True Law of Free Monarchies, published in 1598, in which he claimed that “The state of monarchy is the supremist thing upon earth; for kings are not only God’s lieutenants upon earth, and sit upon God’s throne, but even by God himself are called gods.”  Questioning a king who considered himself a god could be a risky business.  But Shakespeare did it, even if he could dare to do so only by implication.

When Shakespeare wrote Henry VIII, things were generally considered to have gone well in England during the reign of Queen Elizabeth and she had been widely idolized.  Overcoming the social and political turmoil that had been bequeathed to her by her father Henry VIII and her siblings Edward and Mary, and the complication of being a woman in a traditionally male role, she turned obstacles into opportunities and became the “Loved Ruler” and the “Loving Ruler.”[6]  Becoming beloved more than feared, she fared well.

King James sought reverence rather than love.  Although his reign up to the time of the writing of Henry VIII was tame compared to the reigns of Henry VIII and Henry’s immediate successors, but it was full of potentially ominous religious, class, and political conflicts.  I think Shakespeare was concerned about these signs of social problems and he took what I think can be seen as a series of sideswipes at James.

Religious differences reemerged as a major problem under James.  Unlike the tolerant look-the-other-way Elizabeth, James was a vehemently anti-Catholic Protestant who looked for reasons to persecute religious dissenters and found them.  In 1605, the Gunpowder Plot by a group of Catholics to blow up Parliament revived religious violence in England.  It was already illegal in England to be Catholic or Jewish, but now new penalties were enforced against Catholics and several people found to be Jewish were exiled from the country.  James also had a phobia about witches being agents of the devil, and during his early reign at least fourteen people were hanged as witches.  Even a pacifistic Anabaptist was burned at the stake for heresy in1612.

Shakespeare was no fan of religious extremism.  Measure for Measure, first performed in 1604, is a sendup of religious fanaticism.  If, as Michael Wood has suggested, Shakespeare was hoping to help reconcile Catholics and Protestants in Henry VIII, in particular by portraying the Catholic Katherine in sympathetic terms, that would have been an implicit criticism of the religious extremism of James.

Shakespeare’s implied criticisms of James extended to social policy, in particular the enclosure movement which had gained new impetus during James’ reign.  Enclosure was a legal process whereby landlords closed off land from peasant farmers who had previously cultivated it so as to raise sheep instead.  It had been ebbing and flowing for two centuries.  Peasants dispossessed of their farmlands ended up as vagabonds or worked as day laborers, much to everyone’s distress.

In 1607, the peasantry’s simmering discontent against enclosures came to a boil.  A group of some five thousand peasants known as the Diggers of Warwickshire addressed a petition to King James asking for help against the landlords.  Frequently citing the Bible to the publisher of The King James Bible, they claimed the enclosures were an offense against the King since they “deprive his most true harted (sic) communaty (sic)” of the right to live.  James responded by calling their petition “a wicked instrument” and sending out troops that slaughtered hundreds of the peasants.[7]

Shakespeare not only was aware of the events in Warwickshire but incorporated the arguments and the language of the Diggers’ petition into the opening scene of his play Coriolanus, first performed in 1608.[8]  In this scene, the requests by a group of peasants for justice are summarily rejected.  I think the scene is an implied criticism of James’ response to the peasants of his day.

Coriolanus can also be taken as an implied criticism of James’ political pretensions.  The play is a deprecatory portrayal of a demagogue who hoped to overthrow the newly founded Roman Republic in the fifth century BCE and make himself a dictatorial king.  The play can be seen as a backhanded rebuke of James’ dictatorial ambitions.  Similarly, in The Tempest, first performed in 1611, when Prospero at the end of the play abandons the magic which had given him absolute power over his island and returns to Milan as a seemingly constitutional duke, this can be seen as a rebuke to James’ insistence on absolute authority. 

In this context, Henry VIII can be seen as a critique of James’ politics in several ways.  James was in perpetual conflict with Parliament over the levying of taxes, which the King attempted to do unilaterally but which Parliament claimed as its prerogative.  Members of Parliament considered James’ spending to be extravagant and refused to grant him the taxes he wanted, so he took to refusing to call Parliament into session and began imposing taxes unilaterally.  This is something that Henry is portrayed as attempting to do in Henry VIII.   In the play, the Queen Katherine, a Catholic no less, convinced Henry to rescind his new taxes.  I.2.55-70.  II.2.20-40.  This scene can be seen as directed against James’ actions.

James was also at loggerheads with the Common Law Courts.  The Common Law was judge-made law that derived from judges’ decisions on disputed legal cases.  One judge’s decision on a type of case became a precedent for the next judge’s consideration in the next case of that type.  English common law dates from the eleventh century ACE.  James claimed that his decisions could override common law decisions.  Common law lawyers, citing the Magna Carta among other precedents, rejected the King’s claim.  In Henry VIII, Shakespeare implicitly criticizes James’ claims to absolute authority and to being above the law by having Henry go to great lengths to ensure that his divorce from Katherine was legally recognized.  Even he felt the need to pay homage to the law.

Finally, Shakespeare rejected in his plays a key assumption that is generally made by members of the comfortable classes in society.  That assumption is that what’s good for me is good for all, and for all time.  To those who are doing well, the present moment will seem to be in perfect equipoise, with all the forces of good and evil in balance.  To the well-to-do, all of history has seemingly tended toward this moment – both the good and the bad of the past – and this moment justifies it all and does so forever.  Shakespeare never bought that comfortable line of thinking and Henry VIII is a quintessential example of his rejection of it.  A joyously happy ending turns out to be a horrible beginning.  Could he have been warning that something similar might be happening in 1613?

If Henry VIII reflects Shakespeare’s discomfort with the way things were tending in England in 1613, as I think it does, he may have been prescientThe next half century was to witness violent religious and political conflicts, as England suffered through more power struggles, persecutions, prosecutions, and executions.

James I, after struggling through his own battles with Parliament, the courts and religious dissenters, bequeathed his pretensions to absolutism to his son Charles I.  It was a legacy that led to vehement political battles between Parliament and the King, and religious battles between Puritans and Anglicans. These conflicts eventuated in a civil war during the 1640’s that resulted in the temporary overthrow of the English monarchy, and cost Charles his head in 1649.

Order was not truly restored in English politics until the Glorious Revolution of 1688 when the new ruling monarchs, King William and Queen Mary, accepted the primacy of Parliament. This accord began a period of relatively calm coequal rule that was characterized as “the King in Parliament.”  Pragmatism of the sort that Shakespeare generally championed – particularly in Henry VIII – finally prevailed.  For a time.

Staging Henry VIII: Portraying the Historical Context.

If I am right in my surmise that understanding Shakespeare’s intentions in Henry VIII requires the audience to be aware of sixteenth and early seventeenth century English history, how can one stage the play for people today who don’t know that history?  I have two suggestions.

The first is to fill the Playbill for the play with helpful historical information.

The second is to take advantage of technology that enables a director to project images and words onto the back wall of a stage.  Many productions use this technology for various purposes.  The purpose here would be to fill in some historical gaps for the audience during the play, and possibly make the performance more dramatic.  To make the play even more clearly relevant to the political situation in the United States today, images of President Trump could be projected on the back wall during appropriate scenes.

In particular, during the last scene, while Henry and his court are celebrating the birth of Elizabeth, some highlights of the subsequent regimes of Anne, Edward, Mary, Elizabeth, and James could be projected in words and images on the stage wall.  While this is going on, characters in the play could gradually leave the stage until Henry is the last one left.

Epilogue: King Henry VIII is the last one to leave the stage, lingering as an offstage voice reads the play’s epilogue, which emphasizes that this is a play in which women are the virtuous characters.  The epilogue seems to point back to the virtues of the cruelly divorced Queen Katherine but also forward to the successful reign of Queen Elizabeth.

A Trump look-alike comes onto the stage, passing the King as Henry leaves.  Each scrutinizes the other and gives the other a small smile and a nod of recognition.  The Trump look-alike looks out at the audience and smirks.  The lights go out.

B.W.  5/3/19

Postscript:  Performance of Henry VIII at the Stratford Theatre Festival

I recently saw a performance of Henry VIII at the Stratford Theatre Festival in Canada.  The director cut from Shakespeare’s script the opening lines of the play in which Henry VIII is described as an overweight, overdressed, vainglorious fool and then proceeded to portray Henry as some kind of heroic figure.  The play did not make sense, and it was a very disappointing performance.  Oh well, you can’t win them all.

B.W. 6/18/19

Footnotes:

[1] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare.  Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.269.

[2] Shakespeare’s Poems and Plays.  Encyclopedia Britannica. britannica.com Accessed 4/22/19.

[3] Jonathan Bate.  The Genius of Shakespeare. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.  P.218.

[4] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare.  Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.278.

[5] Michael Wood.  Shakespeare.  New York: Basic Books, 2003. Pp.331-333.

[6] Garry Wills. Making Make-Believe Real.  New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014.

[7] Steve Hindle. “Imagining Insurrection in Seventeenth Century England: Representations of the Midland Uprising of 1607.” University of Warwick, 2018.

[8] Michael Wood. Shakespeare. New York: Basic Books, 2003. P.298.

 

From Phallus to Phalanx. Is Shakespeare’s “Tragedy of Coriolanus” actually a Comedy? The End of a Heroic Age.

From Phallus to Phalanx.

Is Shakespeare’s The Tragedy of Coriolanus actually a Comedy?

The End of a Heroic Age.

 

Burton Weltman

 

“The tragedy of Coriolanus is one of the most amusing of

[Shakespeare’s] performances.”   Samuel Johnson.

 

When is a Tragedy a Comedy?  Telling a fool from a hero.

The main thesis of this essay is that Shakespeare’s play The Tragedy of Coriolanus would be better played and more meaningful if it were read as a dark comedy rather than as a tragedy.  That sounds like nonsense and even blasphemy against the sacred Shakespearean canon.  I think, however, that the definitions of tragedy and comedy are fuzzy and flexible enough, and that Shakespeare’s writings are complex and multidimensional enough, to make that thesis plausible.

One of the great things about Shakespeare’s plays is that you can read the lines and play the scenes in many different ways that legitimately represent the original text.  And you can come up with different meanings depending on how you say, stage and act the words.  Shakespeare also liked to play around the edges of story forms, combining and overlapping different genres to produce intricate dramas.  It is in that context that I contend Coriolanus is a comedy.

Story forms can be categorized into three main types – melodrama, comedy, and tragedy.[1]  Melodrama is the predominant story form in our society and the form in which most people instinctively react to adversity.  It is a story of good against bad, good guys against bad guys.  “Who is doing this to me and how can I defeat them” is the first reaction of most people to a problem.  This reaction is essentially the “fright, then fight or flight” reaction that we have inherited from our piglet-like precursors who had to make their way in a world of giant carnivores.  It is a function of the brain stem, the earliest and least sophisticated portion of the human brain that we inherited from those puny ancestors.  Comedy and tragedy are more complex reactions that derive from the cerebral cortex which evolved later in humanoids.[2]

Comedy is generally defined as a story of wisdom versus folly, wise people versus foolish people.  In comedy, the problem is created by someone acting out of stupidity or ignorance, “the intervention of fools,” and the solution is for the wise to teach or restrain the fools so that they can do no further damage.[3]  Comedy involves conflicts and struggles but the action is usually peaceful, although it can become violent and even fatal.  The humor in a comedy stems from our recognition of the stupidity of the characters.  A comedy may have a happy or unhappy ending depending on whether the fools learn their lesson and whether violence is avoided.

Tragedy can be defined as a story of too much of a good thing becoming bad.  Tragedy involves a character who pursues a too narrowly prescribed good too far until it turns on itself, becomes bad and precipitates a potential disaster.  The character’s tragic flaw is a lack of perspective, the failure to see things in a broader context, for example failing to recognize that one person’s good may be someone else’s bad, that the world may contain competing goods, and that an individual’s good ultimately depends on the good of all.

Tragedy is a story of hubris versus humility, the failure of the tragic character to recognize his personal limits and reconcile contradictions within herself, within his society or between herself and society. The goal of tragedy is for the tragic hero and the audience to recognize the narrowness of the hero’s perspective – recognition of the character’s flaw at the end of the story by the character and the audience is a key to this narrative form [4]

The lines between melodrama, comedy and tragedy are not hard and fast, and the story forms overlap in many respects.  Each, for example, can contain elements of stupidity, conflict, violence, and pride, and each can have an unhappy ending.  Too much of one element can transform one story form into another.  Too much conflict, for instance, could turn a comedy into a melodrama, and too much stupidity can turn a comedy into a tragedy.

Shakespeare often wrote so-called comedies that can be read as bordering on melodrama.  For example, in The Taming of the Shrew, Petruchio’s treatment of Katherine can be seen as misogynistic and malevolent. In The Merchant of Venice, the treatment of Shylock by Antonio and Portia can be read as cruel and un-Christian.  In The Comedy of Errors, the treatment of foreigners and slaves can be interpreted as brutal and brutish.  Read in these ways these plays should perhaps be called comic melodramas or, at least, melodramatic or dark comedies.

Many of Shakespeare’s comedies also have endings that may superficially look happy but seem to contain within them the seeds of future melodramatic conflicts and even disasters.  The Taming of the Shrew, for example, ends with Kate making peace by seemingly subordinating herself to her husband, but it looks like a fragile and temporary peace at best.  Likewise, the marriages at the end of The Merchant of Venice look like the prelude to future marital conflicts between manipulative women and macho men, and the likelihood of unfunny abuse.

Comedy can also border on tragedy, and too much stupidity and too little dignity can turn what purports to be a tragedy into a comedy.  I think this is what happens in Coriolanus. As described by Aristotle, a tragic hero is someone who suffers from hubris or excessive pride, makes an error of judgment as a result of his hubris, suffers a serious reversal of fortune which is greater than he deserves, and then recognizes that his downfall was his own fault.  Applying these criteria to Coriolanus, Coriolanus clearly suffers from excessive pride and makes serious errors of judgment based on his overweening pride, but I do not think that he suffers a downfall out of proportion to his faults or that he ever recognizes that his downfall is his own fault.  And his boorish behavior and outlandish language do not befit tragedy.

Coriolanus can best be seen, I think, as a comic fool, not a tragic hero, and that, I contend, is what makes Coriolanus important for us today.  Shakespeare was dramatizing the end of an age of individualistic heroes and the beginning of an age in which cooperation among common people was imperative.  We live in an era in which proponents of an anachronistic individualism are battling to stop a similar pro-social transformation and turn the clock back a hundred years to a Social Darwinian struggle of each against all.  Coriolanus is a play that can help us understand those people and help us stop their retrograde political, social, and intellectual programs.

The Relevance of Coriolanus: Putting Things in a Historical Context.

“But no man’s a hero to himself.”  Ray Bradbury.

Unless he is Coriolanus, King James I, or Donald Trump. And therein lies a tale worth telling.

Shakespeare’s Tragedy of Coriolanus is the story of a renowned Roman warrior who lived in the fifth century BCE. The play deals with real historical people and events.  It is based on Plutarch’s account of Coriolanus in his Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans.[5]  The play focuses on the personality and actions of Coriolanus and on his interactions with the common people of Rome in a time of widespread popular protests against food shortages and almost continuous warfare between the Romans and their Volscian neighbors.

Although the play is full of action, colorful characters, and biting dialogue, scholars have noted that Coriolanus “has not, on the whole, been a popular play, either on the stage or with the literary critics,”[6] and has been called Shakespeare’s “most neglected play.”[7]  It is not widely read or performed.  I think that is unfortunate because the play is eminently relevant to events in our world today.  There seem to be two main reasons for the play’s unpopularity.

The first reason is the repulsive personality of its main character, Coriolanus. He is characterized by an overweening egotism, a derogatory attitude almost everyone around him, and an unwillingness or inability to keep from violently insulting anyone who differs with him.  As the ostensible hero of this play, most people find it hard to identify with someone as obnoxious as Coriolanus. The second reason for the play’s unpopularity is the way the common people are portrayed, which is generally seen as anti-democratic and, as such, objectionable to modern-day democratically inclined audiences. [8]

I think, however, that reading the play as anti-democratic and as a tragedy misses its main points and its relevance for us today.  Shakespeare lived at a time of significant changes in England from a still largely medieval society to an incipient modern society.  These changes met with considerable resistance and conflict.  Shakespeare was aware of the changes and conflicts, and he wrote about them in many of his plays, sometimes explicitly, other times implicitly.  Coriolanus, which was completed in 1608 during the early years of the reign of King James I, portrays political and social changes and conflicts that took place in fifth century BCE Rome which reflect similar changes and conflicts that were taking place in early seventeenth century England.

Both societies were moving from dictatorial to more popular forms of government, from isolated monocultures to more inclusive and diverse cultures, and from more individualistic to more socialized institutions of war and peace.  The relevance of the play is that changes and conflicts of this sort have been taking place over the past century in the United States and much of the western world. In seeing the play as an anti-democratic tragedy, I think that interpreters fail to take fully into consideration the changes that were taking place in ancient Rome and Stuart England and in so doing, they misinterpret the personal and political implications of the play.

In my opinion, the play is better read as a dark comedy.  In this view, Coriolanus is not a tragic hero but an arrogant ass who is the chief fool in the play, and the play includes an implicit but daring criticism of James I.  The play is not anti-democratic but a plea for balance in government and justice to the lower classes.  The noxiousness of Coriolanus is one of the things that made the play relevant to people in Shakespeare’s day and makes it relevant to us today.

The Plot: A Vicious or Virtuous Cycle of Debate?

The basic plot of Coriolanus is fairly simple. The backstory of the play is that Coriolanus, whose given name is Martius, after the Roman god of war, has been raised by his mother to be a proud and valiant warrior with an inflexible personality.  She is a true Valkyrie who would love to be a warrior herself.  The play opens with an argument between some plebian citizens involved in protesting food shortages and Menenius representing the patricians who control the food.  The plebians want the government to make food available to the hungry people, which the patricians resist on the grounds that it is their food.  Martius intervenes to denounce the protesters and call for them all to be hanged.  How one interprets who has the better of the argument in this scene is crucial to how one views the play.

Shortly thereafter, Martius performs heroic individual military feats in defeating the Volscians and taking the city of Corioles.  He is given the name Coriolanus in honor of his heroics.  He then repeatedly rejects any special payment for his service to Rome because he considers himself above any kind of service to the state.  He does what he does because he wants to do it.   He considers any reward to be demeaning, as though he were for hire and acting heroically for pay.

Based on Coriolanus’ military heroics, the patricians propose elevating him to be a counsul, which was one of the two chief executives in the Roman government.  An assembly of the plebians initially approves this appointment.  But then they hear of his refusal to share food with the populace and his plans to eliminate the newly created position of tribune, which gave the plebians a say in government.  Coriolanus repeatedly insults the plebians and their tribunes and rejects the idea that as counsul he would be serving them.  He considers himself above doing service to anyone, let alone a bunch of lowly plebians.

The plebians retract their approval of Coriolanus’ appointment as consul and conduct a trial in which they find him guilty of treason based on his plans to abolish the tribunes and thereby overthrow the established government, a crime for which he could be executed.  But because of his prior heroic service to the state, which ironically Coriolanus refuses to acknowledge as service to the state, the tribunes decide to spare his life and exile him instead. The government then distributes food to the hungry populace, much to Coriolanus’ disdain and chagrin.

In exile, Coriolanus spitefully offers his services to the Volscians whose leader literally welcomes him with open arms.  Coriolanus then leads a Volscian army toward Rome with the vengeful intent of ransacking the city and killing its inhabitants.  He rejects pleas from former Roman friends to spare the city from annihilation but eventually responds positively to a plea from his mother.  Coriolanus decides to go back on his agreement with the Volscians and spare Rome. How the scene with his mother is played is also crucial to interpreting the play. The play ends with Coriolanus being killed by the Volscians as a turncoat.

Coriolanus is a talky play, chock full of personal and political debating.  People are continually debating the virtues and vices of Coriolanus and the pros and cons of popular government.  The weight of the debate continually swings back and forth between fear of tyranny and fear of mob rule, and between concern for the personal problems of Coriolanus and the political problems of Rome.[9]  The debaters circle around and around so much that many critics are flummoxed as to what Shakespeare intends.[10]

I think this confusion is to a large extent a result of interpreters trying to fit the debates into the serious story form of a tragedy instead of a comedy in which most of the characters are confused and many of them are fools, even if they are dangerous.  Most of the debates are conducted in hyperbole, and most of the speeches should be played as overblown and somewhat ridiculous.  Among the main characters, only the Roman general Cominius stands out as a voice of reason and reasonableness who tries to bridge the gaps among the arguing parties.

So, is the play a virtuous cycle of debate that leads to the softening of Coriolanus and the salvation of Rome?  Or is it a vicious cycle that culminates in a hardening of Coriolanus’ pride and an exacerbation of the class struggle in Rome?  Explicating the historical contexts in which Coriolanus lived and in which Shakespeare wrote can help answer these questions.

Coriolanus in Ancient and Modern Historical Context.

“A hero is no braver than an ordinary man, but he is brave five minutes longer.”           Ralph Waldo Emerson.

Developments in fifth century BCE Rome paralleled developments in seventeenth century England and that, I think, is a key indicator as to what Shakespeare intended with this play.  Rome in the fifth century BCE was politically moving from a kingship to an aristocratic republic with some democratic elements.  We see in the course of the play Coriolanus the beginnings of the development of the basic ideologies and institutions – the autocratic consuls who stood in place of a king, the patrician senate that represented the rich, and the democratic tribunes and general assemblies of plebian citizens – that were the foundation of the Roman Republic for the next four hundred years.  They were also the source of almost continuous conflict as the social classes represented in each of those institutions vied for power over the others.  Much of the cycle of debate in the play revolves around whether Rome will be ruled by a dictator, for which position Coriolanus was a leading candidate, by an aristocracy, by the demos, or by some combination of these three possibilities.

Paralleling the political movement from one-man rule to a more popular and collective government, Roman military tactics were moving from a more individualistic and heroic form of combat – the simultaneous one-on-one battles of hordes of men that one sees in The Iliad – to a more collectivist combat of large numbers of men organized into phalanxes – groups of armed soldiers standing close together and presenting a wall of aggression and opposition to the enemy.  In one-on-one combat, victory generally went to the most highly skilled and most wildly ferocious soldiers.  It was the sort of combat made for heroic individuals such as Coriolanus.

Phalanx warfare, by comparison, required little skill and less intensity.  Patience and fortitude were the keys.  Soldiers stood shoulder-to-shoulder with spears or swords outstretched, each soldier supporting the others next to him and willing to stay in formation with his comrades no matter what.  Not the sort of thing for free-lancers or egotists.  They would at best look foolish and would likely endanger the rest of the group. Nor would phalanx warfare be likely to produce individualistic heroes.  Heroism, in this context, was Emerson’s standing together for five minutes longer.  It was, however, the sort of warfare that enabled Rome to conquer much of the world.  The play Coriolanus in effect dramatizes a last hurrah for someone like Coriolanus whose heroism was becoming obsolete in Ancient Rome, but not without resistance from high-ranking supporters of the old ways.

England in the early 1600’s CE was facing a similar situation and conflict.  King James I was claiming to be a divine right king whose will should be considered omnipotent.  James was a scholarly and deeply religious man and was, after all, responsible for the publication of the almost universally acclaimed King James Bible.  But his religiosity also took him down some dark alleyways.  He was, for example, obsessed with the dangers of witchcraft and personally supervised the torturing of women to get them to confess to being witches.

Born in 1566, James became King of Scotland in 1567 and was not only raised to be a king but was raised as a king.  James grew up endowed with autocratic power that he attributed to God.  In The True Law of Free Monarchies, published in 1598, James claimed that “The state of monarchy is the supremist thing upon earth; for kings are not only God’s lieutenants upon earth, and sit upon God’s throne, but even by God himself are called gods.”  Talk about hutzpah.

Upon assuming the throne of England in 1603, James immediately came into conflict with Parliament.  Parliament represented English aristocrats who did not generally ascribe to James’ theories of divinely instituted autocratic monarchy.  They insisted that what James considered the legitimate freedoms of the monarch be balanced by the freedoms of aristocrats as set down in The Magna Carta and English common law.  And these patricians asserted their rights through Parliament’s control over the government’s purse.  If James did not approve laws and take other actions they wanted, they would not grant him taxes to run his government and engage in wars.

This running conflict between the King and Parliament eventually erupted in civil war in the 1640’s and led to the execution of King Charles I, James’ son, who went to his death insisting on the divinity of an autocratic monarchy.  These later events were past Shakespeare’s time, but he lived through the beginnings of them and portrayed similar events in his plays.

While King James and the aristocrats in Parliament were battling over their rights, the lowly English masses were demonstrating against the enclosure movement and on behalf of what they claimed as their rights as free-born Englishmen.  During the Middle Ages, a portion of a nobleman’s land was generally set aside as a common area on which peasants could graze their animals and raise some crops.  Over time, this use of the so-called commons became considered a legal right of the peasants.  But starting in the 1500’s, patrician landowners began enclosing these common areas, and banning the peasants from using them, so that the patricians could devote the commons along with their other lands for grazing sheep.  Exporting wool to the European continent became a very profitable industry for these patricians.

But the combination of closing off the commons and dedicating most of England’s other farmland to raising sheep resulted in a large decrease in the amount of grain being grown in the country.  Unable to use the commons, huge numbers of peasants were bankrupted off their land.  And with little land devoted to raising grain, grain shortages occurred and bread prices for the urban poor skyrocketed.  The result was bread riots in the cities and anti-enclosure demonstrations and land occupations in the countryside.  In the latter case, peasants would tear up the newly grown hedges that enclosed what had been common land, then they would dig into the land and plant crops.  Hence these protesters were called Diggers.

In 1607, a group of some five thousand peasants known as the Diggers of Warwickshire addressed a petition to King James I asking for help against the landlords.  Frequently citing the Bible, they claimed the enclosures were an offense against the King since they “deprive his most true harted (sic) communaty (sic)” of the right to live.  James responded by calling their petition “a wicked instrument” and sending troops that slaughtered hundreds of the peasants.[11]

The parallel of James’ response to the protesters with that of Coriolanus couldn’t be closer.  Shakespeare was not only aware of the events in Warwickshire when he completed Coriolanus in 1608, he incorporated the arguments and the very language of the Diggers’ petition into the opening scene of the play in which a group of citizens representing the hungry Roman populace debate with a spokesperson for the Roman patricians.  In their petition, for example, the Diggers repeatedly spoke of themselves as members of a body politic – “We members of the whole” –  that was being starved by greedy landlords. The metaphor of a political body that is made up of members that serve different functions and need to be cared for is at the center of the debate between the protesters and the patricians in Coriolanus.  Significantly, I think the protesters get the better of the argument in the play.[12]

Changes in warfare that were taking place in seventeenth century England also paralleled those in fifth century BCE Rome.  Just as Rome had moved from the individualized combat of phallic sword fighting to collectivized phalanxes, so too warfare in Shakespeare’s time was moving from the individualized battling of knights in shining armor to the collectivized combat of massed musket-wielding soldiers.

Muskets were newly developed weapons in Europe that shot bullets which could penetrate armor and made armored knights obsolete.  Muskets had smooth barrels, however, which made them extremely imprecise as to aim.  They propelled round lead balls that wobbled down a barrel and then out into the air in the general direction in which the musket was aimed.  An individual musketeer was very unlikely to hit any specific thing at which he was aiming.  But a massed row of musketeers could launch a wall of lead that would mow down an enemy army.

Armored knights were highly trained and skilled warriors whose individualized combats were often heroic as, for example, in Shakespeare’s play Henry V.  As with Roman phalanxes, massed musket warfare required little skill, since aiming a musket was almost irrelevant, and it involved little in the way of individual heroics.  Again, as with the Roman phalanx, heroism was standing together for five minutes longer.  It was, however, massed armies of plebian soldiers that enabled England to become the world’s largest empire.  Individualistic heroes of England’s recent past, such as Henry V, were becoming obsolete in Shakespeare’s time and, I think, this was one of the implications of his play Coriolanus.

Conventional Interpretations: Psychology, Sociology, and Tragedy.

Most interpretations of Coriolanus focus on the character, psychology and personal relations of Coriolanus and on the character, psychology and social relations of the rebellious citizens.  The variety of interpretations of Coriolanus is vast and often contradictory.  There are analyses that focus on Coriolanus’ abilities and actions as a military general and civilian leader, some in praise, others in disparagement. There are characterizations of Coriolanus as a fascist warmonger and a Leninist communist revolutionary.  There are Freudian analyses of Coriolanus as suffering from Oedipal problems with respect to his dominating mother and absent father, and as a repressed homosexual whose sexuality is perverted into violence.  There are laudations of him as a Nietzschean superman who is in fact above it all. There are also various interpretations of the plebians.  These include mob psychology analyses of the plebian crowds in the vein of Gustave Le Bon, Malthusian interpretations of the plebians as exemplifying overpopulation problems in Rome, and Social Darwinian interpretations of the Roman plebian as a useless underclass.

But there are two common factors in almost all these interpretations of the play.  One is that Coriolanus is seen as a tragic figure, a “man of war [who] cannot keep the peace,” but whose underlying soft-heartedness leads him to accede to his mother’s wishes and spare Rome in the end.[13]  The other is that the Roman plebians are seen as an irrational mob who are ignorant, gullible, and easily manipulated by the vile tribunes that supposedly represent them.[14]

The distinguished Shakespearean scholar Harold Goddard claimed, for example, that the way in which Coriolanus concedes to his mother’s wishes at the end of the play shows that he must have been a natural poet as a child.  Despite Coriolanus’ rough language and rude behavior, Goddard insists that “Coriolanus is all tenderness at the center.”  Goddard also dismissed the plebians as ignorant, gullible and fickle.[15]  I don’t agree.

Coriolanus as Comedy:  The Line Between Tragic Hero and Comic Fool.

I think that my contention that Coriolanus is best seen as a comedy can be illustrated by focusing on two scenes, the opening scene where Menenius confronts three plebian citizens with respect to the food shortage in Rome and the scene at the end of the play when Coriolanus accepts his mother’s plea to spare Rome from invasion.

The play opens with the entrance of a group of citizens armed with clubs and other rude weapons.  These are far less murderous than the swords and spears carried by patricians and their soldiers.  Emphasizing the collective nature of the group, only two of them are singled out as individuals by Shakespeare and they are called merely First Citizen and Second Citizen.  These two are the leaders of the group.  The First Citizen opens the play with three statements: “You are all resolved to die than to famish,” then “You know that Caius Martius [Coriolanus]is chief enemy to the people,” and then “Let us kill him, and then we’ll have corn at our own price.”  To each of these statements, the group shouts its approval.

The First Citizen then goes on to explain that they are threatening violence only because the patricians, led by Coriolanus, are hoarding corn and will sell it only at an exorbitant price.  The patricians are taking advantage of the plebians’ plight, the First Citizen claims, and “our sufferance is a gain to them.”  It is significant that the plebians are not demanding free corn or threatening to steal it.  They only want to be able to buy it at “our own price,” that is, a price they can afford.  And although they condemn Coriolanus as “a very dog to the commonalty,” they don’t want to kill him and propose to do so only because he is the chief obstacle to their gaining corn.  They are acting, they say, “in hunger for bread, not in thirst for revenge.”

The way that you read and play these opening lines spoken by the First Citizen are a key to your interpretation of the play.  Harold Goddard speaks for many critics in characterizing the First Citizen as “an egotistical, loud-mouthed, malicious, illogical troublemaker and knave.”[16]   And it is certainly possible to play these lines in that way.  You can merely have the actor say them with a sneer and a leer, have him wave a club around in a murderous way, and you’ve got a demagogue leading an irrational mob.  But, I think if you just look at the lines themselves, they are not the words of a demagogue, and the consent of the crowd to the First Citizen’s speech is not irrational.  The citizens merely want to buy bread because they and their families are hungry, and they need to eliminate the person who is keeping them from doing so.

No sooner has the First Citizen finished speaking than Menenius, who is the main spokesperson for the patricians and chief apologist for Coriolanus, enters to respond to the citizens.  He launches into a speech blaming the food shortage on the gods and defending the control of Rome’s grain by the patricians. He compares the patricians to the belly of the body politic that must take in all the food and then provide sustenance to the rest of the body as best meets the needs of the various body parts.

The argument is so ridiculous that even Goddard compares Menenius to the fool Polonius in Hamlet.  But Goddard and most critics claim that Menenius convinces the even stupider citizens.  Goddard says that the citizens “can only stammer in reply, ‘Ay, sir; well, well’” and stupidly ask “’How apply you this?’” and offer other seeming inanities.[17]  And you certainly can play Menenius as a well-intentioned fool and the citizens as ill-intentioned idiots taken in by his arguments, but I think if you just look at the lines, that is not the best way to play them.

On its face, Menenius’ speech is anything but well-intentioned toward the citizens, especially if you see it in the context of his later conversations with Coriolanus and others in which he expresses the deepest scorn and ill regard for the plebians.  Like Coriolanus, he would just as soon see them starve.  And I think that the citizens are anything but taken in by his arguments.  Their questions and monosyllabic responses should be seen as satirical rather than sincere, which Menenius eventually seems to realize and begins to insult them at the end of his speech.

As Menenius is beginning to insult the citizens, Coriolanus comes onto the scene and his first words to them, without anything having been said to him, are “What’s the matter you dissentious rogues?”  He goes on to call them “curs,” among other insults, and call for them all to be hanged.  At the end of the scene, a messenger comes to inform them all that the Volscians are on attack. Coriolanus rejoices that now “we shall ha’ means to vent our musty superfluity,” that is, rid Rome of troublesome citizens by having them killed by the Volscians in battle.  In this scene, Coriolanus does not look like a tragic hero who is going to fall from a height and suffer more than he deserves.  And Coriolanus, for whom threats are a stock-in-trade, keeps up this kind of over-the-top rhetoric, degrading others and elevating himself, throughout the play.

It is the plebian citizens who come off as the most reasonable people in this scene.  And despite Coriolanus’ implacable opposition to them, they later even grant him leniency when he is convicted of treason and faces execution.  In sum, although the citizens sometimes vacillate, and their tribune spokespersons play political games during the play, they are much more sympathetic characters than Coriolanus.

The scene at the end of the play in which Coriolanus agrees to spare Rome from invasion is almost invariably interpreted as a softening of his heart in response to the emotional appeal of his mother.  But I don’t think that is the best reading of the scene.  In this scene, Coriolanus, after refusing to see any of his Roman friends who want to plead with him to spare Rome, reluctantly accepts a visit from his wife, son, and mother.  He insists on seeing them in the presence of the Volscian commander, Aufidius, to show that he is not doing anything underhanded and to show off his strength of will against any pleas for him to change in his mind.

Through extensive entreaties from his mother, wife and son, Coriolanus stands firm in his intention to destroy Rome until his mother launches into one last-gasp appeal in which she grasps at one argument after another and then, as she is seemingly getting ready to leave in despair, hits on what seem to be the magic words.  “Come, let us go,” she says, and then pointing at Aufidius, continues “This fellow had a Volscian to his mother; His wife is in Corioles, his child like him by chance.  Yet give us our dispatch: I am hushed until our city is afire, and then I’ll speak a little.”  In a flash, Coriolanus changes his mind and decides to spare Rome.  Why?

The conventional view is that his pride is softened.  My view is that his pride is hardened, and that is why he changes his mind.  Coriolanus is a man who needs to see himself as superior to everyone else.  He has already been trying to assert his military superiority over his Volscian commander Aufidius, which has displeased Aufidius.  Now Coriolanus’ mother has implied that if he sacrifices his own mother, wife and child in the attack on Rome, he will be making a sacrifice in the service of Aufidius that Aufidius does not himself have to make.  He will be putting himself at a lower level than Aufidius.  It is this that Coriolanus cannot accept.

Although Coriolanus has already several times rejected his mother’s pleas, he tells Aufidius that she has convinced him, and that Rome will not be invaded.  He gives the order to his commander Aufidius.  He is the one taking charge.  And Aufidius has no choice but to agree.  Coriolanus seems to think he can get away with this because the Volscian soldiers in Aufidius’ army seem to respect and even revere Coriolanus more than they do Aufidius.  Coriolanus has previously turned traitor to Rome by joining the Volscians.  Now he turns traitor on the Volscians, but thinks he is above approach and reproach.  Aufidius, however, has had enough, connives with some assassins to have Coriolanus killed, and that is how the play ends.  Coriolanus falls, but from vain stupidity rather than tragic heroism, and this is the mark of a comedy, not a tragedy.

Trump, Coriolanus and the Present Danger.

Coriolanus is a play about power, politics, and pride.  These are three things that almost invariably go together, and that’s a problem.  It takes a good deal of vanity to seek political office in the first place and if you attain high office, that will itself reinforce your pride.  Then of course, you will likely be surrounded by sycophants and panderers who stoke your pride, plus you will be in a position to exercise power over people and society, and that will feed your pride even more.  It is a vicious cycle in which overweening power can result in overweening pride, and that is not a good thing for anyone.

Set in fifth century BCE Rome, Coriolanus speaks to issues that were relevant to people at that time and place but also to people in Shakespeare’s day and in ours today.  Two issues raised in the play stand out in particular: the resistance of people to change from a more individualistic to a more collectivistic society; and, the threat posed by would-be dictators who would take advantage of that resistance to change to gain absolute power.

Over the long course of history, societies have ebbed and flowed back and forth between more individualistic and more collectivistic social orders and power structures.  Writing today in the spring of 2018 in the United States, we are witnessing in this country and in many other countries around the world the resurgence of would-be authoritarians and autocrats.  These Trumps, Putins, et al are being aided and abetted by billionaires who stand to profit from their support of these would-be dictators.  Coriolanus can help us think about the perils of our situation in the United States in at least two ways, first, by comparing and contrasting Coriolanus with Donald Trump and, second, by comparing and contrasting our political systems with those of fifth century Rome and seventeenth century England.

Coriolanus and Trump have some key similarities.  Both are enormous egotists who think of themselves as above everyone else and above the law, and who try to bully everyone to get their way.  They both use a doomsday strategy in which they threaten total destruction to their opponents and even to their own societies in order to get their way.  Coriolanus threatens to hang the plebians who oppose him and to destroy Rome for having rejected him.  Trump routinely threatens to jail or otherwise destroy his opponents, and periodically threatens nuclear war.

Both also see themselves as the leaders of countries that have the might and therefore the right to rule over other countries.  Coriolanus represents a Rome that in the recent past had essentially been an organized criminal enterprise which routinely conquered and plundered neighboring societies.  In proclaiming a slogan of “America First,” Trump wants Americans to personally pursue their own selfish self-interests above all other considerations, as he always has.  But, he also wants the United States to use its power to extort concessions from other countries in a zero-sum game in which we get more of everything and they get less.

Coriolanus and Trump are also both bloviators.  Goddard claims that Coriolanus is merely a blunt speaker who is too honest to speak in euphemisms.[18]  But I think that in any objective review of Coriolanus’ language you have to conclude that this is a man who cannot or will not control himself so as to speak decently.  And I think that his speeches are best played comically as ludicrous.  Trump is, likewise, incapable of speaking of himself in other than platitudes and of others who disagree with him in other than insults.  He lives in a melodramatic world in which he and his supporters are the good guys and everyone else is a dangerous bad guy.  In Trump’s case, noxiousness is a matter of politics and policy as he tries to garner support by stoking fear and hate, and then showing he scorns the people his supporters fear and hate.  He is ludicrous but also very dangerous in sowing the seeds of bigotry, misogyny, and dissention.

Coriolanus and Trump are both fools, albeit dangerous fools. They are also both destined from the start to fail in the long run unless they bring about the destruction of their respective societies, which Coriolanus could have done if he had gone through with his plans to invade Rome and which Trump could do with a push of the nuclear button.  Coriolanus’ overreaching and overweening pride brought his career to an abrupt end.

Trump and his right-wing supporters will also, I think and hope, fall prey to demographic changes that will foil their plans to restore a nineteenth century regime of individualism, laissez-faire capitalism, and white peoples’ power in the United States.  The population of the country will soon be a majority minority, and young people are overwhelmingly more progressive than their nostalgic regressive elders.  Coriolanus represented the last-gasp of a heroic age as Rome evolved from monarchy to republic, and Trump represents a last-ditch effort of American right-wingers in their century-long battle to keep the nineteenth century from ending.

But the differences between Coriolanus and Trump are also important.  Coriolanus was completely honest, which even his fiercest opponents recognized and admired.  He would not lie or cheat.  In fact, I think Coriolanus was not so much honest as above dishonesty.  Trump is a chronic, almost compulsive, liar and a notorious cheater in business and probably in politics.  He has repeatedly bragged about his sharp business practices, and they may be a factor if he falls from grace as a result of investigations currently ongoing.

Coriolanus was also a brave warrior who repeatedly volunteered for military service and rushed to the most dangerous spots in the battle.  The down-side of this bravery was that he was essentially a thug at the head of a gang of thugs.  He was the guy who could whip everyone else in the gang and so he became their leader.  At the same time, Coriolanus also eschewed adulation and was immune to criticism.  He had a thick skin and he was above any need for praise, but the down-side of this is that he refused correction when he was wrong.  Trump was a draft dodger, and he is seemingly also a coward who has historically gotten others to fight his battles for him.  In turn, Trump lives for adulation and cannot stand criticism.  Trump is clearly a weaker person than Coriolanus, but not necessarily less dangerous for that very reason.

Shakespeare wrote many plays about tyrants and his art often imitated life.  In Coriolanus, he also suggested the potential solution to the problem of tyranny.  In the fifth century BCE, Rome was developing a split government of consuls, senate, tribunes, and popular assemblies, with different institutions representing different groups of people, each of which could check and balance the others, and which required the agreement of all of them to make the society work.  Similarly, in Shakespeare’s time, Parliament, with a patrician House of Lords and a bourgeois House of Commons, along with street demonstrations of the populace, were evolving to check and balance the King.  Things did not always work the way they should have, and both the Roman Republic and Stuart England suffered from repeated conflicts and civil wars.

In the United States today, we have institutions of divided government and separation of powers like those in the Roman Republic and Stuart England but, hopefully, more effective at keeping the peace while saving the country from authoritarians.  The division of powers between the federal government and the state governments and within the federal and various state governments ought to provide sufficient checks and balances on a would-be dictator if these institutions do what they are supposed to do.  In addition, we have a free press that did not exist in either Republican Rome or Stuart England and which provides another check on a potential autocrat.  Finally, we have a free theater which can remind us with plays such as Coriolanus of the dangers we face and the collective institutions we need to rely on to meet those dangers. With supports such as these, we can hopefully keep Trump and company from turning what is already bad enough as a dark comedy into a disastrous melodrama.

B.W.  5/18

Postscript: 2018 Stratford Ontario Festival Production.

A Shameful Production: Promoting authoritarianism.

I recently had the mixed pleasure of attending a performance of Coriolanus at the Stratford Festival.  The production was awesome.  The interpretation was awful.  Worse than awful, it was shameful.

Coriolanus is a play that features protests against the mistreatment of the lower classes, warnings about the rise of dictators, and arguments in favor of checks and balances in government.  These were developments in the sixth century BCE when Coriolanus lived and in early seventeenth century when Shakespeare lived.  And they are still critical issues today.  Shakespeare was clearly sympathetic with all three of these developments.  But you would not know that from the interpretation that has been given to the play at Stratford this year.

To the contrary, the play is staged as a glorification of the authoritarianism of Coriolanus. In an age of Trump, Putin, and other authoritarians and would-be dictators, how could the Stratford management let this be the interpretation of their play?

Awesome Staging: Now you see it, now you don’t.

The director Robert Lepage is a genius when it comes to staging the play and using lights and other technologies to enhance his production.  Just as one example that I can describe simply: He had Coriolanus get into a car on the stage and then drive through a series of landscapes, with the illusion of movement perfect.  The other illusions are too complicated for me to describe in a few words, but walls came and went with a change of light, people were in one place then another in a flash, stage sets moved from one place to another… I have no idea how he did these things, but they worked.  They were not just high-tech gimmickry aiming to distract and entertain.  The gimmicks added to the story.  It was the sort of thing you can imagine Shakespeare doing if he had had the technology.  Brilliant.

Awful Interpretation: Tragic or Fitting Death?

Lepage’s interpretation of the play is something else.  He has Coriolanus played as a man whose public persona is overly proud and harsh but who is actually humble and warmhearted underneath.  Coriolanus is played as a misunderstood hero whose disdain of the masses is justified and whose death results from a softhearted response to his mother’s pleas to spare Rome.  Lepage has the masses of people played as idiots and the tribunes as scoundrels.  He has Menenius played as a wise elder statesman rather than a long-winded fool.  These are very different than as I see them and as I have described in the essay above.

And Lepage has Coriolanus killed by one of Tullus’ men in a moment of anger rather than as a result of Tullus’ connivance as Shakespeare wrote it.  Lepage has Coriolanus’ death played as tragedy.  But I disagree.  I think Coriolanus got the death that he wanted as proof of his superiority as he would see it, and as proof to us of his overweening pride.

Coriolanus’ pose all along has been that of a man who is above everyone and everything.  He disdains praise because he considers himself above those who would praise him.  He disdains reward for his service because he will not demean himself to be seen as acting heroically for gain.  He even disdains the idea of public service because service implies he is beneath those whom he is serving.  When he agrees to spare Rome from the Volscian army, he is asserting his superiority over his commander Tullus.  And when Tullus has him killed, Tullus is effectively admitting that he is jealous of Coriolanus and that Coriolanus is his superior.

Earlier in the play, when Coriolanus first went over to the Volscians, he challenged Tullus to either accept him into the Volscian army or kill him.  Coriolanus was thereby challenging Tullus either to work with Coriolanus or to admit that Coriolanus was too big for Tullus to handle, that Coriolanus would outshine him. This is just what happened and is why Tullus had Coriolanus killed.  Shakespeare seems to be portraying this as a fitting death, not a tragic one, that confirmed Coriolanus’ pride and crowned his proudful life.  Coriolanus was a hero for another time but a harmful fool in his own.

B.W.  June 16, 2018

Footnotes:

[1] Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1954.

[2]Jared Diamond. The Third Chimpanzee: The Evolution and Future of the Human Animal.  New York: Harper Perennial, 1993. Pp. 220-221, 276-310.   David Sloane Wilson Evolution of Everyone. New York: Delacorte Press. 2007. Pp.51-57, 285.

[3]Aristotle. Poetics. New York: Hill & Wang, 1961. P.59. Kenneth Burke. Attitudes Toward History. Boston: Beacon Press. 1961. P. 41. Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.1954. Pp.82-100.

[4] Aristotle. Poetics. New York: Hill & Wang, 1961. Pp. 61, 81-86. Kenneth Burke. Attitudes Toward History. Boston: Beacon Press, 1961. Pp.37, 39.  Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1954. Pp.35, 172.

[5] Plutarch. “The Life of Coriolanus.”  The Parallel Lives. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966.

[6] H.R. Oliver. “Coriolanus As Tragic Hero.” Shakespeare Quarterly, 1959. P.53.

[7] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.209.

[8] Frank Kermode. The Age of Shakespeare.  New York: Modern Library, 2004. P.173.

[9] Scott Palmer. “Timely Tragedy.” Bag and Baggage Productions, 6/23/16.

[10] Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. P.244.

[11] Steve Hindle. “Imagining Insurrection in Seventeenth Century England: Representations of the Midland Uprising of 1607.” University of Warwick, 2018.

[12] Michael Wood. Shakespeare. New York: Basic Books, 2003. P.298.

[13] Jonathan Bate.  “Introduction.” Coriolanus. New York: Modern Library, 2011. P. VIII.  Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. P.244

[14]  Frank Kermode. The Age of Shakespeare.  New York: Modern Library, 2004. P 170.  Jonathan Bate.  “Introduction.” Coriolanus. New York: Modern Library, 2011. P.XII. Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. P.246. Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. Pp. 218, 232, 234.

[15] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.223.

[16] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.210.

[17] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.232.

[18] Harold Goddard.