Child’s Play. Irony in Shakespeare’s “Romeo and Juliet.” Tragic Form/Comic Substance. What if they had lived?

Child’s Play.

Irony in Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet.

Tragic Form/Comic Substance.

What if they had lived?

Burton Weltman

Preliminary Question: What are we to think of the marriage of Romeo and Juliet?

What are we expected to make of the marriage of Romeo and Juliet?  Are we supposed to assume that their marriage would have survived and thrived if they had lived?  I think the answer to that question is a key to interpreting the play.  And I think most interpreters of the play assume an answer of “Yes,” whereas I think the better answer is “No.”

Prologue: Should we see Romeo and Juliet as a tragedy or a comedy?

Romeo and Juliet is Shakespeare’s most popular play and it is most popularly played in a way that I think is inconsistent with Shakespeare’s words and with Shakespeare’s intentions as they can be construed from his words.  The play is usually treated as a tragedy – as a story of heroes brought down by their own heroism – in which Romeo and Juliet go too far too fast in their relationship.  This view regards their marriage as a serious long-term commitment that would have stood the test of time if the young couple had lived.  Their marriage is doomed, however, by the heroic intensity of a love that would brook no caution, and by the heroic actions they took in trying to fulfill that love, actions that backfired on them.  It is, in this view, a beautiful tale and a heartfelt tragedy. But I think it is a misconception of the play. 

I think the play is better seen as a comedy – as a story of fools caught up in foolishness – in which two immature adolescents develop a crush on each other and then rashly rush off to get married without any realistic idea of how they might live thereafter.  Their folly is compounded by the foolishness of their feuding parents who cannot properly supervise them and, especially, by their inept priest who repeatedly gives them bad advice.  In this view, the marriage would not have survived even if they did, which is, I propose, the better reading of Shakespeare’s script. 

The play is ironic, I think, in that it fits the form of a tragedy but is best performed as a comedy.  The sentiments of the lovers are sincere, as is often the case with adolescents, and the language in which they are expressed is beautiful.  But I think that we, the audience, are expected not to be fooled by the wonderful words that gloss over an immature and unsustainable relationship.

Questioning Romeo and Juliet: Defining our terms. 

A thirteen-year-old girl who is prone to childish enthusiasms and is still in the care of a nurse-maid.  A teenage boy who is girl-crazy and flits so quickly from one infatuation to the next that his friends can’t keep up with who is his latest flame.  These two adolescents, after one brief meeting that resulted in mutual love at first sight, plighted their troth and got married the next day.  Three days later, they were dead.  Both of them suicides.  Their short-lived marriage is the central focus of Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet.[1]  What are we to think of it?

Are we to think that it was a good marriage, a realistic long-term commitment of the two young people, and that it would have been a happily-ever-after union if the lovers had lived?  I think this is a key question that we should ask ourselves when we are thinking about the play.  And I think the way we answer that question largely determines for us the meaning of the play, the moral of the story, and the way we think it should be performed.

As the play is popularly produced, the answer is “Yes.” That is, the marriage is portrayed as a realistic long-term commitment that was cut short by tragic circumstances.  Tragedy has been characterized as a story of too much of a good thing that then goes bad.  It presents characters who pursue a too narrowly prescribed good too far until it turns on itself and precipitates a disaster.  Tragedy is, thereby, a story of hubris versus humility, and the failure of characters to recognize limits to the good they are pursuing. [2]   In the popular view, Romeo and Juliet should be performed as a tragedy.   

 In this view, the tragedy arises from Romeo and Juliet pursuing their romance too far too fast without sufficiently considering circumstances, especially their families’ feud, that might wreck their marriage.  Passionate in their feelings for each other and heroic in their actions, they thought they could overcome any countervailing circumstances, but, instead, brought about their own demise.  Extremism in the pursuit of true love brought on tragedy.  In this view, however, the marriage was in-and-of-itself a good thing, and the two lovers could seemingly have lived happily ever after if it weren’t for the tragedy.  I don’t agree. 

I think the better answer is “No,” that the marriage was unsustainable irrespective of the circumstances, and that the youthfulness of Romeo and Juliet, and their unchecked adolescent impetuousness, were at the root of their demise.  In turn, although the action in Romeo and Juliet superficially fits the form of a tragedy, I think that the play is better performed as a comedy.  Not a “ha, ha” light comedy, but an “Oh, my” scratch-your-head dark comedy.  Going too far too fast, their rashness reflected immaturity, the stuff of comedy, not heroism, the stuff of tragedy.

Comedy has been described as a story of wisdom versus folly, foolish people doing foolish things and suffering the consequences.  In comedy, the problem is created by someone acting out of stupidity or ignorance, “the intervention of fools.”[3]  In Romeo and Juliet, almost everyone, adults and children alike, behaves foolishly, needlessly feuding, heedlessly fighting, and impetuously acting.  The result is that there are no responsible people to help curb the adolescent enthusiasm of Romeo and Juliet for each other and to advise against their precipitous marriage. 

Romeo and Juliet turn instead for help to an irresponsible priest who encourages the marriage and secretly performs the ceremony.  In my view, it is this lack of responsible advisors and restraining adults that dooms the lovers.  It is not just that they go too far too fast, which is human nature for adolescents, but that there is no one to slow them down.

Romeo and Juliet should be seen, I think, as a story of children playing at being grownups and, in the absence of adult supervision, taking the game too seriously.  They were just teenagers without a clue as to what they were really doing.  As a result, an adolescent crush led to deadly consequences.  In sum, despite the power of their passion, the sincerity of their sentiments and the poetry of their language, the romance of Romeo and Juliet was folly from beginning to end.  And, while their deaths were sad, their lives would likely have been sordid if they had survived.    

Young love and young lovers: How should we see Romeo and Juliet?

Performances of Romeo and Juliet often underplay the youthfulness of the couple.  Although Shakespeare’s text describes them as very young – Juliet is thirteen years old and Romeo is around sixteen[4] – directors often either ignore or omit references to their age, and the lovers are generally played as mature beyond their years.  They speak, move and appear like adults.

Compounding this impression, Juliet is often played by a mature young lady who looks and acts nothing like a thirteen-year-old girl, while Romeo is played by a mature young man who looks and acts nothing like a feckless sixteen-year-old.  Given this casting, it becomes easy to think of their marriage as a mature long-term commitment.  I think that is wrong. 

Romeo and Juliet should be played by actors who look and behave like young people of their tender ages.  They are teenagers and, as such, are caught up in all kinds of age-related physical and emotional changes.  In playing their parts, I think we should be presented with a contrast between their beautiful sentiments, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the physical awkwardness of growing teenagers, the self-conscious preening of insecure young people, the edginess of unsure adolescents, and the assertive swaggering (Romeo) and swaying (Juliet) of immature young adults.  All of these being characteristics of people their age. 

I think we should be able to see that they are not of an age to be making life-long commitments that we should take seriously.  They are brilliant but they are still immature and impetuous adolescents.  And their love at first sight should be played in the context of their recent romantic experiences.  Shortly before he meets Juliet, Romeo has been scorned by an older woman, Rosaline.  He is clearly miffed and has suffered a severe blow to his ego. When his friend Benvolio advises Romeo to get over his loss and find a new girl, Romeo says he never will.  He is totally and eternally devoted to Rosaline.[5]  

No sooner, however, does Romeo say this, than he meets and falls for Juliet.  Later, Romeo uses much of the same flowery language in his description and wooing of Juliet that he used to describe and woo Rosaline.[6]  All of this reflects on Romeo’s constancy and on whether his commitment to Juliet would have lasted.  In this same vein, Romeo’s choice of Juliet may reflect on the damage Rosaline did to his ego and his need to recover his self-esteem.  Romeo meets Juliet when he was on the rebound from Rosaline and it may have been that, at least unconsciously, he saw a pretty little girl, such as Juliet, as better game.  Having succeeded in that game, would he have remained satisfied?    

At the same time Romeo was unraveling from Rosaline, Juliet was being courted by an eminent and eminently eligible older man, Paris.  This is her first experience of courtship, and she is for the first time seeing herself as a desirable woman.  I think when she first meets Romeo, Juliet should be played as testing her newfound powers on him and, at least unconsciously, experimenting with him.  This is not to say that Romeo and Juliet aren’t sincere in their feelings as they develop, but that the lovers are essentially impressionable and changeable kids.

I think that we should see Romeo and Juliet as playing a game.  A game of young love, full of beautiful sentiments, and intensely sincere in the way of many adolescent enthusiasms.  But, like most adolescent enthusiasms, it was likely to be transient.  It was a game that in the normal course of things would probably have run its course and come to a safe and sound end.  But, because of the feud between their families, things were not normal.  And because of the feud, they were forbidden to play together, which is not something that two star-struck and love-sick adolescents were likely to accept.  To the contrary, opposition from elders is generally an incentive for teenagers to keep doing whatever it is their elders oppose.  Which is what happened in this case, much to everybody’s detriment.

If Romeo and Juliet had survived, how would have fared their marriage?

Juliet is thirteen years old, barely past the minimum marriageable age for a girl of that time and essentially still a child in thoughts, words and deeds.  Romeo is in his mid to late teens which is young for a man of his social class to be considering marriage.  While girls of that time generally married young, albeit not usually as young as thirteen, men generally married older, after they had established their financial and social status, and were able to support a family in the style to which they were accustomed.  Romeo was anything but financially or socially established.

If they had survived, Romeo and Juliet were supposed to escape from Verona to Mantua.[7]  They would have had few prospects and little on which to live in Mantua.  Romeo does not have any profession, trade or property upon which to live.  Romeo’s adviser, Friar Laurance, does not seem to have considered this at all, let alone considered it a problem. According to the friar’s plan, Romeo and Juliet were supposed to wait in Mantua for their parents to renounce their families’ feud.  He expected that the marriage between Romeo and Juliet would be a means of reconciling the feud between the families.  The parents would, the friar predicted, welcome the married couple back to Verona and into the bosom of their generosity[8].

Among the problems with this plan is that Romeo had been banned from Verona by the Duke.  Romeo would be executed if he came back.  In addition, it is likely that the couple’s respective parents would have renounced their offspring instead of their feud if the lovers had returned.  Juliet’s father was ready to disown her when she merely said she wanted to wait a little longer before marrying Paris, the suitor that he has chosen for her.[9]  He would not have been happy when he found out that she was lying to him when she indicated she would marry Paris, that she had already been married to Romeo when she made that promise, and that she had tricked her parents into thinking she was dead in order to run off with Romeo.  He was not likely to have generously welcomed Romeo as a son-in-law.

Although the marriage of Romeo and Juliet is often treated as having been made in heaven, it is not likely that it could have survived a trial on earth.  Romeo and Juliet got married after less than a day together and did not know each other at all.  Even if they seemed perfect for each other at first sight, they had very different temperaments and, in any case, were just teenagers who were still developing their mature characters and personalities.  It is likely that, like most young people, they would have become over time very different persons than they were at that moment.  What is the likelihood they would like each other when they got to know each other better, or fit together when they had changed?  And how would their romantic idyll have survived the likely arrival of squalling babies and dirty diapers?  All very doubtful.   

In addition, Romeo was a Romeo, that is, a womanizer.  When he met Juliet, he had just been mooning and moaning over being jilted by his previous love interest whom he claimed he would love forever and whom he described in the same sort of mellifluous terms that he later described Juliet.  Given his track record, isn’t it likely that Romeo would fall in love or in lust with another beautiful young lady in the future?

In sum, I believe Shakespeare expects us to think that the marriage of Romeo and Juliet was doomed from the start by their immaturity. Their deaths were sad but if they had lived, their lives would likely have been a disaster. Their romance was beautiful, but it was wrong.  And the fault lay not in the stars, but in their immaturity and in their advisers.

Shakespeare’s Catholic priests: Father knows best?  Not.

An underlying problem in Romeo and Juliet can, I think, be seen as a failure of socialization and social institutions.  In the ordinary course of things, young people such as Romeo and Juliet would be counseled and trained by their parents, other adults in the community, and the social institutions and structure of the community to find their proper places and make their appropriate ways in the world.  But things in Verona, the home city of Romeo and Juliet, were not normal.

Verona was in disarray.  Law and order were being disregarded.  Respect for authority was being undermined   Civility was dead.  Egged on by the example of their elders, young men were brawling and dueling in the streets, and they were not merely rough-housing like adolescents but fighting to kill.  All of this because of a foolish feud between the heads of the two leading households, the Capulets and the Montagues.  As a result, instead of being taught civility and sociability by their elders, young people were being tutored in disobedience, hostility and anti-social aggression.  The Duke who ruled over the city, and who is a voice of reason in the play, was distraught and unable to curb the disorder.

In the midst of this mess, Romeo, a Montague, and Juliet, a Capulet meet and sparks fly between them and love scenes ensue.  Given the turbulent context of their romance, I think that love scenes between Romeo and Juliet should be played against a contrasting background of Capulets and Montagues arguing and fighting in pantomime, and the Duke trying to separate them and pleading with them in pantomime to desist.

Because of the feud between their families, Romeo and Juliet are in a bind as to whom to turn for advice and assistance.  Given that their families are at odds, they would not be allowed by their parents to court each other.  As such, theirs is a relationship they have to keep secret from their families and friends, and they can’t confide in them or seek advice from them.  So, Juliet turns to her old nursemaid and Romeo turns to their local priest, Friar Laurance, for help.  And, therein lie the decisions that took their lives.      

Juliet’s nurse is conventionally played as a sympathetic and caring person, someone who really wants Juliet to be happy.  This is, I think, a gross mischaracterization.  She is, instead, a lascivious old lady who seems to get vicarious enjoyment from others’ romantic ventures. Instead of counseling caution, the nurse encouraged Juliet to run off and secretly marry Romeo.  This was bad advice, and she thereby violated the trust she owed to Juliet’s parents.  The nurse not only didn’t tell her long-time employers about the affair, she encouraged and facilitated it.[10]  And she later cynically counseled Juliet to marry Paris even though Juliet was already married to Romeo and it would have been bigamy.[11]  The nurse should be played as a clever, coldly calculating conniver.

Friar Laurance is conventionally played as sympathetic and dignified priest – “so noble a character” – who does his best for Romeo and Juliet.[12]  I don’t agree.  In the first place, Romeo’s seeking romantic advice from a celibate Catholic priest would seem to be folly on the face of it.  In Shakespeare’s plays, Catholic clergy are almost invariably knaves or fools.  In this case, while the friar is generally well-intentioned, he is terribly inept as an adviser and should be played as a doddering idiot.  And his blundering is the proximate cause of the deaths of Romeo and Juliet.

Friar Laurance seems more concerned with religious proprieties than with the long-term well-being of Romeo and Juliet.  After initially giving Romeo the sound advice to go slow in his relations with Juliet, the friar agrees to marry them because he can see that they intend to sleep with each other and he does not want them to have sex without being married.  “You shall not stay alone til holy church incorporates two into one,” he insists.[13]  In his narrow-minded obsession with sexual propriety, he overlooks the likely problems that the marriage might cause and that the married couple might face.  And in failing to tell their parents about the young couple’s plans, he violates the trust that community members have placed in him as their priest.  

Finally, Friar Laurance’s advice and behavior after he has married the couple is fantastically foolish and is the proximate cause of their deaths.  He conceives the ridiculous ruse of pretending Juliet is dead so that she can avoid marrying Paris and flee with Romeo to Mantua.  Then, he misconceives and misdirects messages to and from himself and the lovers, which leave them in the dark as to what is happening.  He then leaves Juliet alone while she is pretending to be dead so that when Romeo arrives, he thinks she is dead and kills himself.  Finally, he again leaves Juliet alone after she wakes up so that she sees Romeo dead and kills herself.  As the saying goes, with friends like this, who needs enemies?

The Moral of the Story: Whom do you trust?

It has been said that the most important question in life is “Whom do you trust?”  All of us rely on other people for almost all of our information and ideas.  We get very little of our factual knowledge and very few of our ideas from ourselves.  For the overwhelming majority of our information and ideas, we rely on other people.  On people whom we trust. 

If we trust unreliable people, we will get unreliable information and ideas.  That is dangerous for us as individuals but also for our society.  We put ourselves and our society at risk if we fail to find the right people to trust.  That danger is one of the themes in Romeo and Juliet.  Romeo and Juliet suffered fools gladly and suffered the consequences therefrom.  As did their society. 

At the end of the play, their parents call off their feud.  At the same time, the Duke reasserts his authority over the community.  He says that he regrets not having previously been harsher with the feuding parties, and he warns that some of them will pay a penalty.  “Some shall be pardoned, and some punished,” he says as he closes the play.  Enough of foolishness.[14] 

The Duke seemingly hopes, in the wake of the deaths of Romeo and Juliet, to regain some of his lost authority.  He was the voice of reason in the play and he kept telling the feuding parties to cool it, but they wouldn’t heed his advice.  They had to suffer a grievous loss before they would listen to him.  Is that what it takes before people will wean themselves from foolishness?

If you play Romeo and Juliet as a tragedy, the moral of the story might be a warning against strong emotions or strong emotional attachments, emotional overloads that might induce you to go too far too fast in some sort of relationship or other commitment.  I don’t think that is a very helpful lesson.  If you play Romeo and Juliet as a comedy, the moral might be a warning against falling for fools or falling into foolishness.  It might also be an admonition to be careful whom you trust and upon whom you rely for information and ideas.  That, I think, is a more helpful lesson, and one that is timely for our world today.

I am writing this essay in early April, 2022 at a time when knaves and fools are spreading all sorts of blatant lies and horrendous conspiracy theories in our country, stirring up feuds and prejudices, and undermining the civility and democracy of our society.  All too many foolish Americans are falling prey to these scoundrels, putting their trust in woefully wrong people and places.  As a result, we are suffering grievous losses as a society and worse may be on the way.  Finding a way to encourage more people to place their trust more wisely is an urgent task for our society.                                                                                                                           

BW 4/22


[1]Citations to the play are from William Shakespeare. Romeo and Juliet. New York: Penguin Books. 1983.

[2] Aristotle. Poetics. New York: Hill & Wang, 1961. Pp. 61, 81-86. Kenneth Burke. Attitudes Toward History. Boston: Beacon Press, 1961. Pp.37, 39.  Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1954. Pp.35, 172.

[3]Aristotle. Poetics. New York: Hill & Wang, 1961. P.59. Kenneth Burke. Attitudes Toward History. Boston: Beacon Press. 1961. P. 41. Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.1954. Pp.82-100.

[4]  I.2.9-10; II.2.70-75.

[5] I.5.45-55.   

[6] I.5.200 et seq.

[7] IV.1.115.

[8] II.3.85-88; III.3.140-160.

[9] II.5.193-195.

[10] II.5.68-70

[11] II.5.68-80.

[12] Harrold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. University of Chicago Press, 1951, P.138.

[13] II.6.38-40.

[14] V.3.308

Shakespeare’s “All’s Well that Ends Well.” Not. Two Jerks Get Each Other and Get What They Deserve. The Age of Trump and the Normalization of Bad Behavior.

Shakespeare’s All’s Well that Ends Well.  Not.

Two Jerks Get Each Other and Get What They Deserve.

The Age of Trump and the Normalization of Bad Behavior.

Burton Weltman

 

Prologue: Setting the Tone.

It is the opening scene of a play.  A young lady is in public mourning for the death of her father, who was a great and generous man.  She grieves and sheds tears, surrounded by friends who admired her father and who admire her for her devotion to her father.

When the friends leave, she soliloquizes that she is not really grieving for her father.  She is not thinking of him, she says.  She does not even remember him.  She is grieving, instead, over the hopelessness of her desire to marry a young nobleman.  What drives her to tears is that as a mere commoner, she does not know how she can succeed in marrying someone so high above her.

Finishing her soliloquy, the young lady immediately engages in lighthearted sexual banter with another character, a man she supposedly despises.  She closes the scene with a fierce avowal to herself of her determination to marry the nobleman. “My intents are fixed and will not leave me,” she declaims.  What would you say about this young lady?  Would you say that she is a romantic heroine who is showing her loving nature?  Or would you say that she is cold-hearted social climber who is showing us her selfish ambitions?

The situation I have described above is the opening scene from Shakespeare’s All’s Well That Ends Well.  Critics and directors almost invariably say that the young lady in this scene, Helena, who is the main character in the play, is a romantic heroine pining for love. And this view of her informs the way that critics interpret the play and directors stage it as a light-hearted romantic comedy.  I think that is not the best way to play Helena or to interpret the play.

I think the play makes more sense, and is more interesting and relevant, if Helena is played as a self-centered social climber and the play is performed as a seriously darkish comedy, not a light romance. In this view, the play’s title is ironic because things do not actually end well, and the moral of the play is that all is not well just because it seems to end well.  The message is that the ends of an action, no matter how intensely desired or desirable, do not justify any and all means.

Ethics 101:  Do the ends justify any and every means?  What justifies the ends? 

Shakespeare’s All’s Well That Ends Well[1] is a comedy about a woman who chases after an unreceptive man, traps the man through admittedly dubious means, and gets him as a husband in the end.  It is generally performed as a light-hearted romantic comedy with the woman, Helena, played as a model of feminine virtue, and even a feminist heroine, despite the dubious tactics she uses to get Bertram, her man. This essay argues that, despite its title, the play does not end well, and that Shakespeare did not intend to promote the idea that all’s well that ends well. The crux of the argument is that Helena is not the virtuous heroine she seems to others in the play and to most interpreters of the play, and that the play is best performed as an ironic takeoff on a romantic comedy, a darkish comedy rather than a romance.

One of the great things about Shakespeare’s plays is that they can legitimately be interpreted in a variety of ways, albeit some ways are arguably better than others.  The way in which an actress says her lines, the inflection in her voice, the look on her face, the body language she exhibits, can determine their meaning.  In the case of All’s Well That Ends Well, I think that Helena’s lines are better said in a way that conveys her willful ambition to scale the social heights and to possess Bertram.  She repeatedly says that she idolizes him, that is, she has made him into an object of desire that she has to own no matter what it takes, whether by means fair or foul.

Although Helena succeeds in her campaign to get the recalcitrant Bertram, I don’t think the play ends happily for her or for Bertram.  Bertram is forced in the end to marry a woman for whom he does not care and who has just ruined his life as far as he is concerned.  He is not likely to treat his unwanted wife with affection, and I think Shakespeare expects us to see that theirs is not likely to be a happy marriage for either of them.

I think also that we are not expected to approve of the hard-ball tactics Helena uses to get Bertram.  She is consistently inconsiderate of others and violates all sorts of ethical norms.  The play is a comedy, but I think we are supposed to cringe even as we laugh at her antics, and refuse to accept her bad behavior as normal.  All’s Well That Ends Well is not, in this view, intended to promote the idea implicit in its title that the ends of an action justify any and all means to its accomplishment.

To the contrary, I think the play demonstrates Shakespeare’s commitment to classical virtues and to a sense of personal honor that are directly the opposite of the selfish cynicism reflected in the idea that all’s well that ends well.  The play’s title is, in this view, ironic, as is its ending.  The moral of the story is that bad means produce bad ends.   All’s Well That Ends Well is a morality play in which the putative heroine behaves in ways that we are supposed to reject as dishonorable, even though her bad behavior is accepted as normal by most of the others in the play.  The play, in this reading, functions as a warning not to let bad behavior become normalized and become the norm.  This is not a conventional interpretation of the play.

The Moral and Historical Context: Cycles of Cynicism and Idealism.

All’s Well That Ends Well was written at the turn of the seventeenth century in the midst of debates in late Renaissance Europe about the nature of history and the history of ethical theories and practices.  The debates were not new.  Conflicting ideas about whether history proceeds in a straight line or in cycles, and whether morals were getting better or worse over time, had been argued since ancient times.  During the era of the European Renaissance, in which Shakespeare wrote his plays, cyclical ideas predominated and these ideas are reflected in both Shakespeare’s English history plays and his dramas set in other times and places.

The name Renaissance, which means “rebirth,” was given to this era by its participants.  The name reflects their primary goal of reviving the classical humanities and classical virtues, especially a sense of honor among people, that they attributed to the ancient Greeks and Romans, and that that they thought had been lost during what they termed the “Dark Ages” of the medieval era.  Honor in the sense of behaving honorably, not merely winning honors, was the goal, and it was expected of women as well as men.

Shakespeare’s plays are full of men and women competing for honors, many of them behaving dishonorably.  But for Shakespeare, winning was not everything.  Renaissance humanists, Shakespeare among them, hoped to promote an enlightened era of high honor and moral purpose that would emulate that of the ancients.  It is within this historical and moral context that I think All’s Well That Ends Well should be seen.[2]

The idea that ethical theories and practices ebb and flow in cycles goes back to Plato in Western intellectual history and forward to recent times.  Mortimer Adler, the best-selling American philosopher of all time, albeit now largely forgotten since his death in 2001, used to say that while the sciences are inherently progressive, the humanities, including ethics, are episodic.  Theories and practices in the sciences dialectally scaffold onward and upward upon each other, with the present building on the past and becoming the foundation of the future.[3]

Not so, Adler said, in the humanities, and especially with respect to ethics.  Ethical theories and practices waver over time between high idealism and low cynicism.  People may argue about whether the overall ethical trend in history has been in the long run for the better or the worse, but it is unarguably the case that historical eras in which ethical idealism predominates are invariably succeeded by eras of widespread cynicism.  While every era has its share of bad behavior, some more, others less, the moral tone of an era can be judged by the nature and extent to which bad behavior has become normalized, that is, accepted, even if with a grimace.

As moral cycles evolve and revolve, Adler noted, moral ideas that have been discarded in one era as obsolete are generally recycled and return in the next era, even if in modified form.  Deja vu all over again.  Adler strove to recycle the ethics of the ancients in a form fit for modern times.  He hoped, thereby, to help foster an ethical upswing in our times by imbuing popular culture with the classical virtues he saw in the ancient Greek and Roman philosophers.  Reason and rationality, honesty and humility, tolerance and respect, compromise and cooperation, and especially a sense of honor, were high among these ancient virtues.

Like the classical philosophers he admired, Adler was particularly concerned with the way in which people defined the ends that they considered worthy, the means that they considered legitimate toward those ends, and the proper relation between means and ends.  These, he opined, are keys to whether behavior can be considered ethical or cynical.

Ethical behavior in this view requires that the ends people seek be endowed with humane purpose and that the means they use be consistent with those ends, that is, be honorable and humane.  Cynicism, which is often paraded by its adherents as realism, generally holds that no matter what people say, selfish self-interest is the only real goal of human behavior.  All else is hypocritical posturing.  Cynics also allow that any effective means, no matter how despicable or dishonorable, is acceptable toward a person’s goals.  Cynicism assumes that we live in a zero-sum, dog-eat-dog world in which we are all out for only ourselves.  Self is the be-all-and-end-all.

In a cynical era, bad behavior is widely normalized.  That is, immoral ideas and actions become so common that they are accepted, even if begrudgingly, as necessary realities.  We are currently struggling through just such a time in the United States today.  Shakespeare was living through a similar time in England when he was writing All’s Well that Ends Well, which is one of the things that makes the play relevant to us today.  It was a time when calumny and knavery seemed to abound.  But, even as Shakespeare’s plays are full of people behaving badly, the plays also reflect the effort of Shakespeare and other like-minded Renaissance humanists to restore humanity, civility, and honor to public life.  By promoting the classical virtues, they were trying to rescue their cynical age from the normalization of bad behavior.  All’s Well that Ends Well was, I suggest, a part of that ethical project.  It is not how the play is generally performed.

All’s Well that Ends Well is generally played as a light-hearted romantic comedy in which a bit of bad behavior is acceptable in pursuit of a personal goal, such as marriage to the person of one’s choice.  The play is generally performed for the amusement of the audience and not for moral enlightenment.  I disagree with this approach.  I think that the play can best be read as a comedy with a serious purpose, a morality play about means, ends and ethics that resonates in our cynical Trumpian times.  It is an ironical play about cynical people.  That it is in the form of a romantic comedy may fool some interpreters, but it is a romantic comedy without romance, and it has an ostensibly happy ending that is not really happy.

The fact that most interpreters don’t see what I claim are the ironies of the play’s title, the play’s romantic form, and the play’s superficially happy ending may itself be an instance of the normalization of bad behavior that characterizes our own times.  It is widely expected in our times that people will lie, cheat, and threaten their way to their ends as the characters do in this play. Cynicism of this sort pervades the mass media, the social media, and the behavior of our politicians, especially the present-day President of the United States.

But I don’t think that Shakespeare intended to promote cynicism in this play.  Yes, we laugh at the bad behavior of Helena and others in the play.  But I think we are expected also to cringe at the despicable doings of the characters and refuse to accept them as normal.

The Story: A Tangled Web.

All’s Well That Ends Well is set in France and the main characters are French.  This setting is itself a clue that Shakespeare, who was writing in Francophobe England, was not going to think well of the main characters.  The play is set at a time seemingly near Shakespeare’s own when the King of France still ruled over a predominantly feudal system of social relations.  Under the feudal system, people were tied personally to those above them in the social hierarchy, effectively owned by their superiors and subject to their control.  Social class distinctions were considered very important.  The action of the play revolves around the efforts of a middle-class young woman, Helena, to overcome class barriers and marry a young nobleman, Count Bertram.

The main story is fairly simple, although it gets tangled up in comic twists and turns.  Helena is the daughter of a famous doctor who has recently died.  She is widely praised for her virtue by all and sundry, including Bertram’s mother.  Helena wants to marry Bertram, but he doesn’t want to marry her.  She is willing to resort to extreme means to get her way, but so is he.  This is the central problem around which the play turns.

As the play opens, the French King is terminally ill and desperate for any cure.  Helena claims that she has inherited from her father a cure for the King’s illness and she will give it to the King if he will order the man of her choice to marry her.  The King agrees to the bargain with Helena, and she  cures him using her father’s remedy.  The King then orders Bertram to marry Helena and, much to Bertram’s chagrin, he performs a civil marriage ceremony to bind them.

Bertram is an arrogant, insolent, and insulting fellow.  He has previously rejected Helena’s romantic overtures, considers her socially beneath him, and is furious at being forced into marriage with her.  Bertram has good breeding and good looks, but he is not on good behavior.  He refuses to consummate the marriage and says that he will not consider himself actually married to Helena unless she is first impregnated by him and she wears a ring that he keeps perpetually on his own finger.  These seem to be insuperable conditions since Bertram says that he won’t ever sleep with Helena and that he never takes off the ring.

Having been ordered by the King to stay in France with Helena, Bertram disobeys the King and runs off to Italy to serve in the Florentine army.  He is encouraged in this action by his sidekick Parolles, who is regarded by everyone else in the play as a sycophant, parasite, coward and scoundrel, but whom Bertram insists on keeping as a confidant.

Helena, after pretending to go to a convent and having given out a false story that she has died on the way, follows Bertram to Florence.  There, she learns that Bertram is trying to seduce a beautiful young woman named Diana with false promises of marriage.  Helena bribes Diana and her mother to pretend to give in to Bertram’s solicitation of Diana, but only if Bertram will give Diana his ring and will accept from her a ring that unbeknownst to Bertram had been given to Helena by the French King.

Bertram is so infatuated with Diana that he agrees to these terms and she agrees to sleep with him for an hour in absolute darkness and silence.  At the appointed place and time, Helena substitutes herself for Diana.  In the dark, Bertram cannot tell the difference.  This maneuver is known as “the bed trick.”  As a result, Bertram unwittingly sleeps with Helena and impregnates her, gives her his sacred ring, and accepts Helena’s ring for himself.

Having slaked his lust in the seeming conquest of Diana and having heard the false news that Helena was dead, Bertram abandons Diana and returns to France, claiming to mourn the death of Helena and begging the King’s pardon for having disobeyed his orders.  There, however, he finds waiting for him Helena, pregnant and wearing his ring, accompanied by Diana.

Bertram tries lying his way out of the trap Helena has set for him, but Helena and Diana are too much for him.  So, in the end, to save himself from severe punishment by the King, Bertram says that he will give up his opposition to being married to Helena.  In turn, the King, in recognition of Diana’s service to Helena, promises Diana that he will order any young man of her choice to marry her.  At this point, the plays closes with the King concluding that “All yet seems well, and if it end so meet, the bitter past, more welcome is the sweet.”  (V, 3, 578-579)  But is this so?  Is this Shakespeare’s conclusion?  Is that what he intended us to think?  I think not.

A Problem Play: So, what’s the problem?

All’s Well That Ends Well is one of Shakespeare’s earliest plays and is often disparaged or dismissed as an inartful effort by the novice Bard, and as “the least interesting” of his plays.[4]  It is generally considered one of Shakespeare’s “problem plays” because it supposedly raises ethical problems that are not clearly resolved at the end and because the main characters behave in problematical ways.

What are we to make of the heroine Helena who gets her man through the underhanded bed trick and through coercion of Bertram by the King?  What are we to make of Bertram, ostensibly the drama’s male hero, who is despicable until he seemingly undergoes a miraculous change of character in the last lines of the play?  How are we supposed to reconcile the ethical flaws in these main characters with the form of a romantic comedy?  The consensus of most critics is that you can’t, and that is considered a major problem with the play.  In their interpretations, they skim over the bad behavior of Helena and underplay Bertram’s.  The play is a romance, they claim, but a flawed romance.

The Shakespearian critic Mark Van Doren, for example, considered the play to be a failure as a romance because the plot was mechanical and the characters were unromantic and without passion.  Dismissing Bertram as “a commonplace cad” who “was never cut out for the hero of a play,” Van Doren mourned that Helena begins as “one of Shakespeare’s most interesting women” but “thins out” in the course of the play.  In the end, he concluded, Helena becomes “mechanical like the play,” just going through the motions of an implausible plot.[5]

Other interpreters have similarly had a problem believing that the loveable Helena could be so insistently in love with the eminently unlovable Bertram.  These interpreters generally try to resolve this problem in one of two ways.  One way is to play Bertram as a rebellious youth in whom Helena is mature enough to see the potential for a loving and loveable husband.  In this view, Bertram’s bad behavior is merely a stage of development that he will eventually outgrow.

The other and almost opposite way is to play Bertram as an incorrigible knave, but as so charming and handsome that a naïvely virtuous Helena is blinded by his beauty and cannot resist him.  In this view, it is Helena’s innocent immaturity that is the problem.  Neither of these ways of portraying Bertram is generally considered satisfactory, so that while the play is still considered a romance, it is deemed fatally flawed.[6]

In a similar vein, the Shakespearian scholar Harold Goddard opined that the play could work as a romance if one views Helena as a good angel and Parolles as a bad angel, so that “the drama is a struggle between Helena and Parolles for possession of Bertram.” Like most critics, Goddard gushes over Helena.  “Helena is so entrancingly drawn,” he exclaims, that she would make a great romantic heroine if only she had a suitably romantic hero to complement her.

But she doesn’t, and Goddard concludes that the play is a failed romance because Shakespeare “has blackened Bertram so utterly” that he does not need a bad angel to lead him astray.  Bertram is just plain nasty, bad and unsuitable for a romantic hero.  In Goddard’s view, Helena is a flawless heroine and the problem with the play is Bertram.[7]

Goddard agrees with most critics who see Bertram as the major problem with the play.  Helena is almost invariably seen as the virtuous essence of true womanhood, a feminist avatar who fights her way to victory.  Although some critics have a problem with accepting that Helena would stoop to something as low as the bed trick to trap Bertram, they generally give her a pass.  “Her ends are achieved by morally ambiguous means so that marriage [at the end of the play] seems at best a precarious institution on which to base the presumed reassurances of romantic comedy.”  That is, Helena’s low actions are inconsistent with what is seen as her high character and with what are considered the characteristics of a romantic comedy.[8]  But these critics have generally glossed over Helena’s dubious methods as ethical compromises necessary to achieve her goals.  These critics essentially adopt the mantra of the play that all’s well that ends well, and that the ends justify the means.  In so doing, they have essentially normalized bad behavior.

In my view, Van Doren, Goddard and other critics are right that one cannot reconcile the ethical flaws of the characters in the play with the form of a romantic comedy.  But I don’t think that is a problem because I don’t think the play is supposed to be taken as a romantic comedy.  I don’t think that we are supposed to think well of either Helena or Bertram.  While most critics see Bertram’s blatant flaws, they don’t often see Helena’s.  Hers are more subtle but more important, especially if we do not want to fall into the habit of normalizing bad behavior.

Helena: All that glitters is not gold.

The key to what I think is a better interpretation of All’s Well That Ends Well is in seeing that Helena is not a golden girl but a gold digger.  She is a thoroughgoing opportunist who is bedazzled not only by Bertram’s money but by his status and his person.  What fools most interpreters, I think, is that the play is punctuated by colloquies and soliloquies in which Helena professes her overwhelming love for Bertram.  But the Bertram she loves is not the real Bertram.  As almost every critic has noted, Bertram is quite unlovable, and it is impossible to play him otherwise.  So, it is not the actual Bertram that Helena loves, but her idealized golden image of him.  She worships him as an idol that she intends to possess.

As noted in the Prologue above, I think Shakespeare gives us a clue to Helena’s character in the opening of the play when she admits that she despairs not for her father but for her seemingly hopeless desire for Bertram. “I think not on my father,” she says, “I have forgot him.”  She is solely occupied by her desire to marry Bertram.  “My imagination carries no favor in’t but Bertram’s,” she says.  She harbors what she calls an “idolatrous fancy” for him, but “he is so above me,” she cries, that she does not know how she will be able to win him. (I, 1, 84-101)

In these opening lines, I think we can see at least two key things about Helena.  First, that she is quite cold-hearted to place her infatuation for Bertram above the respectful remembrance she owes her father.  Second, that she idealizes and idolizes Bertram beyond his personal merit and that her feelings are based largely on his high social status.  As the play progresses, instances of Helena’s cold-blooded callousness and overwhelming personal ambition follow one another.

Immediately after this opening soliloquy, and right on the heels of going through the motions of publicly mourning her father’s death, Helena engages in a long sexually explicit repartee with Parolles, a man she describes as a scoundrel.  Parolles opens the conversation by decrying virginity as selfishness on the part of a woman for refusing to share herself with others.  He then rallies Helena to give up her own virginity.  Helena does not squelch him as you would think a virtuous heroine ought, nor does she deny the validity of his argument.  Instead, they banter for quite a while, until she finally concludes that she intends to save her virginity for Bertram. (I, 1, 115-193)  Although Helena’s conclusion is conventionally moralistic, her sudden transition from public mourning to sexual jesting is not what one would expect from a virtuous heroine.

Helena’s next move is to go to the King when she hears of his illness and to offer him her father’s cure.  She does not, however, offer him the cure out of sympathy, let alone out of patriotic duty.  She offers him the cure as part of a commercial exchange.  “But if I help, what do you promise me,” Helena insists.  And she promises to cure the King only if he orders the man of her choosing to marry her.  (II, 1, 209-225)  Implicit in her bargaining with the King is that if he does not promise her the desired quid pro quo, she will let him die.  So, the King, a desperate dying man, gives her the promise she desires.  She then gives him the cure he desires and he then forces Bertram to marry her.

Note that Helena seems willing to let the King die if she does not get her way.  That is pretty cold-blooded for someone who is conventionally played as a virtuous heroine.  Note also that she has no problems with Bertram being forced to marry her even though he says that he does not love her and does not want to marry her.  That is pretty cold-hearted for someone who is conventionally portrayed as a romantic heroine.

When Bertram runs off to Italy, Helena secretly follows him.  And when she discovers that he lusts after Diana, she bribes Diana’s mother and Diana to let her play the bed trick on Bertram and get Bertram’s prized ring.  The plan is for Diana to insist on exchanging rings as a pledge of her betrothal to Bertram before she will sleep with him.  Having gotten Bertram’s ring, Diana will give it to Helena who will then sleep with him.  “Take this purse of gold,” Helena says to Diana’s mother, “and let me buy your friendly help thus far, which I will overpay and pay again after I have found it,” that is, after Bertram has been fooled into the bed trick and Helena has received his ring.  This is, again, a purely commercial transaction between Helena, on the one hand, and Diana’s mother and Diana, on the other.  Note that Helena seems to have little regard here for Diana’s reputation when it gets abroad, as it surely will, that she was seemingly seduced by Bertram and sacrificed her virginity for a ring.  That is not very considerate for a golden girl.

Perhaps most important in this bed trick plan, Helena has no regard whatsoever for the child she intends to bear for a father who does not want a child.  Helena is not only playing a low-down trick on Bertram to get him to marry her, but on the child that she is tricking him into conceiving.

When Helena gives out false rumors of her own death, it is a means of tricking Bertram into going back to France and, thereby, falling under the jurisdiction of the King.  Although it is a minor offense compared to her others, this is still a low trick to play on Bertram and she shows no regard for the people who will mourn her death.  Again, not very high-minded or considerate.

Finally, having trapped Bertram and put him into the position of either accepting his marriage to her or else being severely punished by the King, Helena has no problem with going forward in life with a husband who does not want to marry her in the first place, and is henceforth likely to have only the most negative feelings toward her.  Not a very romantic ending.

Even more significant, in a time and place in which husbands were considered to own their wives, and in which a wife’s physical wellbeing was subject to her husband’s whims, Helena’s marriage to Bertram does not seem to be a happy ending or a good beginning for either of them. Given Bertram’s wandering eye, willful nature, and deep-seated arrogance, Helena’s triumph may be a Pyrrhic victory.  The end of the play may be only the beginning of her troubles.

The mantra “all’s well that ends well” is recited repeatedly during the course of the play by Helena as she lies, cheats, threatens, and bribes her way to eventual victory. (V, 1, 30)  The mantra is also cited by the French King in his summation of events at the end of the play.  (V, 3, 378-380)  In this summation, he excuses the despicable actions of both Helena and Bertram on the grounds that the two love birds have ended up together at last.

From the point of view of Helena and the King, the moral of the story seems to be that the ends justify the means and that winning is everything.  This is not a very high-minded conclusion.  I don’t think it is Shakespeare’s, nor should it be ours.  The moral of the story that Shakespeare intended seems more likely to be that foul means produce foul ends.  And that is a moral not only for Shakespeare’s time but for ours as well.

Bertram: Taking the feud out of the feudal system.

My contention that Shakespeare intended All’s Well That Ends Well to be taken as a morality play is supported, I think, by the play’s treatment of Bertram and the historical setting of the play.  In the opening lines of the play, Bertram’s mother is bemoaning the fact that with the death of Bertram’s father, Bertram has become a ward of the King.  She complains that in losing her husband, she has also lost her son.  Bertram, in turn, complains that he “must attend his Majesty’s command” and be “evermore in subjection.” (I, 1, 1-6)  In these complaints of the dowager countess and her son the count, Shakespeare establishes the declining power of the nobility and the rising authority of the King as the historical context of the play’s action and Bertram’s personal grievances.

Many of Shakespeare’s plays deal with changing social systems and with people getting caught up in the changes.  His plays frequently dramatize conflicts between old and new social norms, roles, and institutions, and with the misfits and misconnections that can result.  All’s Well That Ends Well is an example of this.  While the misbehaviors of Helena and Bertram constitute the core of the play, changes in the feudal system constitute the context of the play and the first cause of the play’s action.

Feudalism was a hierarchical system of power and prestige whose main purpose was maintaining social order and fielding an army of noble warriors.  In the medieval feudal system, nobles served as warriors, as knights in shining armor, who were granted land and privileges by a king in return for military service.  By Shakespeare’s time, guns that could be wielded by ordinary commoners had made skilled and armored knights obsolete.  Kings fielding armies of gun-toting commoners were no longer dependent on the nobles for military protection.

As a result, European kings no longer had to accede to demands of the ancient nobles, and the feudal system devolved into a form of monarchial absolutism in many countries during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.  Kings were able to elevate their allies, many of them mere nouveau social climbers, into the nobility.  Noblemen were, in turn, being transformed from macho warriors into foppish courtiers, mere flatterers who hung about the king’s court.  These social changes were occurring in France and beginning in England during Shakespeare’s time.

These changes from feudalism to monarchial absolutism constitute the primary cause of the action in All’s Well That Ends Well.  Helena wants to become a countess and raise her own social status with the help of the King.  Bertram wants to be a noble warrior and maintain his ancient social status despite the King.  Helena’s victorious ascension into the nobility, and the King’s assertion of his authority over Bertram in the end, symbolize the triumph of the new social system over the old.

These social changes help us to understand Bertram.  Bertram is not just a naturally nasty person.  He is a would-be warrior who is expected to play at being a dandyish courtier.  He is an unwilling exemplar of the decline of feudalism and the degradation of noble warriors who have been required to exchange their military skills for courtly manners.  Having been ordered by the King to hang around his court, Bertram runs off to war and distinguishes himself as a warrior, only to be tricked back to the King’s court and coerced into docility.

Bertram exemplifies the problem of living a life of honor in a courtier system that rewards sycophancy and punishes independence.  Medieval knights owed fealty to their king but the king was, in turn, dependent on their willingness to fight for him.  This interdependence gave the knights a good deal of independence.  The courtier system demeaned the nobility, forcing them to supinely court the king’s favor.  Instead of competing as warriors against each other and against foreign enemies, they competed with each other as flatterers of the king.  They suffered a transition from feuding and fighting to fawning and flattering.

How was one to act honorably or honestly in a system in which one must continually dance attendance on the King and the King can even tell you whom you must marry?  That is Bertram’s conundrum, and it may help account for his exaggerated sense of himself, his intense opposition to marrying beneath his social rank, and his running off to war.  He is fighting a rearguard action on behalf of his noble warrior status.

As an indication of the declining importance of warriors in the fading feudal system, the play depicts a decision by the King to send French noblemen abroad as mercenaries to fight on behalf of whomever they wish, which is what Bertram does in going to Florence. (I, 2, 15-21)   The King decides that rather than have disgruntled warriors venting their pent-up aggression against him or in the form of disorder within his kingdom, he encourages them to go fight elsewhere, and fight anybody anywhere else.  They are useless and a nuisance to him.

Another example of the changing social system is the scene in which the King orders Bertram to marry Helena.  When Bertram objects on the grounds of Helena’s low social status, the King launches into a long speech about how a person’s birth is irrelevant to her worth.  “From the lowest place whence virtuous deeds proceed,” he intones, “the place is dignified by the doer’s deed.” (II, 3, 128-155).  Harold Goddard calls it “the most equalitarian speech in all Shakespeare.”  But no sooner does the King finish the speech than he peremptorily orders Bertram to take Helena’s hand and submit to being married to her.

There is a seeming contradiction here – a democratic speech followed by a dictatorial action.  Most interpreters of the play take the speech at face value as a democratic avowal, and then either ignore the contradiction or skim over it.  Goddard concludes that “The King is an odd mixture…he is a radical democrat in theory but a feudal monarch… in practice.”[9]   I don’t agree.  I don’t see any inconsistency in the King’s denigrating nobles, such as Bertram, down to the level of commoners, such as Helena, and then asserting his absolute prerogative as King over them both.  That was the theory and practice of the absolute monarchies that were emerging during Shakespeare’s time to replace feudalism.  Shakespeare astutely recognized this trend in his play.

The degeneracy of the feudal system is finally shown by the way that even the degenerate Paroles is able at the end of the play to find a benefactor who is willing to take him in as a skilled courtier.  Paroles has previously shown himself to be a coward and a would-be traitor in the Florentine wars, but his skill as a flatterer and liar enable him to land on his feet as a courtier despite it all.  (V, 3, 365-369)

The power of the King over the nobility is finally emphasized at the end of the play when he tells Diana, who is a commoner even lower than Helena was, that he will order the man of her choice to marry her.  Since the man of her choice may be a nobleman, as was Helena’s, the King has, thereby, doubled down on the action that first began the problems in the play.  Will it end well?

The Comic Situation: Foils and Fools.

All’s Well That Ends Well is conventionally played as a romantic comedy.  I have argued herein that it is not a romance but rather a darkish comedy.  Helena is an ambitious social climber who wants to marry up in the social hierarchy.  Bertram is an insufferable snob and inveterate womanizer who doesn’t want to marry down.  She will use any means to get her way.  He will go to drastic ends to get his.  There are a lot of humorous twists and turns in the plot until Helena eventually gets her way and gets what is on its face the last laugh.  But what makes the play a comedy is not merely that it is humorous or that it supposedly ends happily, which I contend it doesn’t.  It is the nature of the conflict in the play that characterizes it as comedic.

Comedy has been described as a story of wisdom versus folly, wise people versus foolish people.[10]  In comedy, the problem is created by someone acting out of stupidity or ignorance, “the intervention of fools.” [11]  A comic drama generally consists of the wise trying to teach the fools or at least restrain them from further foolishness.[12]  Comedy promotes a hierarchical world in which the wiser and more responsible people are encouraged and empowered to control the stupid and irresponsible people, educating them when that is possible, and tricking, controlling or excluding them when that is not.  A comedy may have a happy or unhappy ending depending on whether the fools learn their lesson.  In All’s Well That Ends Well, they don’t.

Bertram is a fool to think he can outsmart Helena and outrun the King.  He foolishly thinks he has fooled her by imposing impossible conditions on his acceptance of his marriage to her.  But Helena then fools him with the bed trick and the false announcement of her death, and she wins the contest.  Bertram gets his comeuppance, and his foolishness is constrained.  But Helena is also a fool to think that capturing Bertram is going to lead to a happy married life.  She will become a countess but he will have the power to make her life miserable.  She is likely to get her comeuppance.  It is a play full of fools fooling fools and becoming fools themselves.  Looked at in this way, and performed with the requisite irony, I think the play is funnier, more coherent, and more interesting than the conventional interpretation.

Enough Already.

I am writing this essay at the end of November, 2019.  We have in the United States a President who represents most of the worst and none of the best aspects of our society.  President Trump is a scoundrel who flaunts his bad behavior and challenges anyone to oppose him.  And some forty per cent of the public seem to support him.  When he says or does something particularly despicable, his supporters invariably skim over it with the comment that “Well, that is just Trump being Trump.”

Meanwhile, President Trump not only violates but desecrates almost every ethical norm and democratic political principle upon which our society is based.  He is not an honorable person.  That so many people accept his misbehavior as somehow normal is a testament to the cynicism that seems to characterize the present moment.  That has to change.

Playing All’s Well That Ends Well as a light-hearted romantic comedy encourages cynicism that tolerates the normalization of bad behavior.  That isn’t acceptable.  The key to the play, in my opinion, is the way in which Helena is played.  In my view, Helena is not an altogether bad person, but she should be played as an opportunist who is able to fool those around her with a pretense of innocent virtue, and who schemes her way underhandedly to her desired end.

Performed that way, the play is not a problem, a failure, or the mistake of a novice.  It is, instead, a useful reminder that ends, no matter how intensely desired or desirable, do not justify dishonorable means, and that normalizing bad behavior will likely lead to undesirable ends.

B.W.  11/29/19

[1] William Shakespeare. All’s Well That Ends Well. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001.

[2] Frank Kermode.  The Age of Shakespeare. New York: Modern Library, 2005. P.142.

Harold Goddard.  The Meaning of Shakespeare.  Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960. P.254.

[3] For a discussion of Adler’s philosophy see Burton Weltman. “Individualism versus Socialism in American Education: Rereading Mortimer Adler and The Paidea Proposal.” Educational Theory. Winter 2002, Volume 52, No.1. Pp.61-80.

[4] Frank Kermode. The Age of Shakespeare. New York: Modern Library, 2005.  P.139.

[5] Mark Van Doren.  Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. Pp.179-180, 182-183, 185.

[6] Wikopedia.  All’s Well that Ends Well.  11/7/19.

[7] Harold Goddard.  The Meaning of Shakespeare.  Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951.  Pp.38-40.

[8] Terence Spencer, et al.  “William Shakespeare.” Encyclopedia Britannica. Accessed 10/1/19.

[9] Harold Goddard.  The Meaning of Shakespeare.  Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951.  Pp.48-49.

[10] Aristotle. Poetics. New York, Hill and Wang, 1961, 59.

[11] Kenneth Burke.  Attitudes Toward History. Boston: Beacon Press, 1961, p.41.

[12] Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1954, 82-100.

 

Shakespeare’s “Henry VIII.” The Bard Takes a Stand Against Absolutism. A Morality/Amorality Play for our Trumpian Times.

Shakespeare’s Henry VIII.

The Bard Takes a Stand Against Absolutism.

A Morality/Amorality Play for our Trumpian Times.

Burton Weltman

 

Setting the Stage for Henry VIII: History Repeating.

Prologue:  A darkened stage.  An offstage voice reads the Prologue. The Prologue warns the audience that this is a sad play in which the mighty fall and the righteous don’t necessarily triumph.  The last lines are ironic and darkly humorous given Henry VIII’s many disastrous marriages, two of which ended with him decapitating his wives: “See how soon this mightiness meets misery: And if you can be merry then, I’ll say a man may weep upon his wedding day.”  The Prologue, lines 30-32.

As the reading of the Prologue proceeds, the lights gradually go up, slowly revealing a very fat man sitting with his back to the audience.  The man is eating noisily and occasionally shouting out “Off with their heads!  Off with their heads!”

When the stage is fully lighted, the man turns toward the audience and he turns out to be a Donald Trump look-alike, with a Trump facemask and an orange wig.  The man stands and faces the audience. He takes off the wig and the mask, dons a regal cape and a crown, and he becomes Henry VIII.  Lights down.  On with the play.

The Relevance of Henry VIII: A warning about James I and Donald Trump. 

Henry VIII is a tragic-comic take-down of King Henry VIII.  The play deprecates both the personal life and the political actions of King Henry, focusing especially on his lust for absolute power.  Henry is portrayed as a combination of childish buffoon and amoral evil genius, habitually manipulating others and making public policy to satisfy his own personal desires, and aiming always at expanding and exerting his personal power.  His reign is portrayed as a perpetual round of persecutions, prosecutions, and executions.  The play has a superficially happy ending, but it is an ending that Shakespeare’s audience would have known was historically the beginning of another round of turmoil and terror.

The thesis of this essay is that Henry VIII is a political statement by Shakespeare in opposition to absolutism and, as such, it is implicitly critical of King James I, the English monarch when the play first appeared in 1613, who claimed absolute power by divine right.  The play can also function as a criticism of President Donald Trump, whose personality and behavior are essentially similar to those of King Henry, and whose claims to absolute power are similar to those of Kings Henry and James.  Mimicking the claims of James, Trump is frequently proclaimed a divinely appointed President by his supporters, an anointment he has not denied.  The implicit comparison of Henry’s political pretensions to those of James made for the relevance of the play to Shakespeare’s audience.  The parallels between Henry and Trump make for the relevance of the play to us today.

As a corollary to his political statement, Shakespeare also makes a historical statement in Henry VIII that all is not necessarily well that seemingly ends well, and that an apparently happy ending is not justified by despicable means.  The play contains, in this regard, an implicit warning to Shakespeare’s contemporaries about the potential for political turmoil in seventeenth century England of the sort that prevailed during and after King Henry’s reign in the sixteenth.  Absolute power means absolute enmity which makes for perpetual conflict.  It is a warning that is also all-too-relevant to us today living through the reign of would-be-king Donald Trump.

The thesis I am proposing is an unconventional interpretation of the play.  It is based on an assumption that the play is best understood the way Shakespeare’s audience would have understood it, which is within the context of sixteenth and early seventeenth century history.  I think that understanding the play in this way makes it a better play and makes it relevant to our Trumpian world today.  That is what I will try to show in this essay.

Henry VIII in the Shakespearean Canon: Deserves better than it gets.

Henry VIII is a dramatization of the year 1533 in the life of the English King Henry VIII.  It was a significant year for Henry and for the future of England.  In the course of the play, Henry splits the English Church from the Catholic Church and makes himself the head of it, divorces his long-time wife Katherine, and marries his mistress Anne.  Anne then gives birth to the future Queen Elizabeth.  Henry also has several of his closest friends and advisors beheaded, including the Duke of Buckingham and Cardinal Wolsey.  It was a seminal year in English history.  A year befitting a play.

Henry VIII is made up of elements that one would think should make it a popular play. It contains the pathos of high-born people being brought low, some justly, others unjustly.  It features eloquent and moving speeches, particularly those by the doomed Buckingham and Wolsey and the deposed Katherine.  It includes biting and insightful personal and political commentary by observant characters, especially the Duke of Norfolk and his friends.  It is also full of pageantry that can make for an engaging spectacle.

The play has not, however, been highly regarded or widely performed.  It has been almost invariably disparaged by critics, including the likes of Samuel Johnson in the eighteenth century, Tennyson in the nineteenth, and Mark Van Doren and Harold Goddard in the twentieth.  Part of the problem critics have had with the play is that it was a collaboration between Shakespeare and John Fletcher.  Fletcher was a young writer in Shakespeare’s theater company with whom Shakespeare collaborated on several of his later plays.

Scholars have disputed for many years as to which sections of the play were written by Shakespeare and which by Fletcher.  Much of their disagreement has centered on the different poetic styles of the two writers and, particularly, the different meters they characteristically used.  The question of which of them wrote what is not important to this essay.  This essay focuses on the message of the play and not its meter.  The point is that irrespective of who wrote which lines, the overall meaning and message of the play would certainly have been set by the senior and widely celebrated writer, Shakespeare.

Harold Goddard summed up the opinion of most critics when he deprecated the play as “more pomp and pageantry than drama,” and complained that “Henry VIII is such an anti-climax” after The Winter’s Tale, The Tempest and the other great late Shakespeare plays.[1]  I think, however, that there is more drama and meaning in the play than is usually recognized, and that the biggest problem with the play has been the failure of critics to see it within its historical contexts, and to see it as Shakespeare’s audience would have.  Seeing it that way could make the play more interesting and illuminate its relevance for Shakespeare’s audience in 1613 and us today.

The Plot: All that glitters is not gold.

The plot of Henry VIII is fairly simple and quite compact.  While the play consists of five acts with a prologue and an epilogue, its action falls into three main parts.  The first part details the downfall and decapitation of the Duke of Buckingham. His demise is engineered by the power-hungry Cardinal Wolsey who is jealous of anyone close to the King.  Act I. Scene.2. Lines 170-200.

The second part describes the downfall and decapitation of Cardinal Wolsey, engineered in large part as revenge by some of Buckingham’s allies. Act III. Scene 2. Lines.1-13.  And the third part portrays the downfall of Queen Katherine, engineered by the King, and the rise of Queen Anne Boleyn, ending with the birth of the future Queen Elizabeth. The play closes with a boisterous celebration of the birth of Elizabeth and a prediction that hers will be a glorious reign.  As he leaves the stage at the end, Henry VIII is ecstatic.

In the conventional interpretation of the play, Henry VIII is portrayed as a brute but all is well that ends well.  In this view, Shakespeare was supposedly saying that Henry was a nasty specimen of a ruler but that since the glorious reign of Queen Elizabeth was the long-term result, Henry’s misdeeds were worth it.  A typical interpretation concludes that “The play ends with this great event [Elizabeth’s birth] and sees in it a justification and necessity of all that has preceded.  Thus history yields its providential meaning…”[2]

In this view, the celebration at the end of the play and the prediction that England’s future was secure are taken at face value. Shakespeare was supposedly saying that bad means can produce good ends.  I don’t agree.  And I think if that was all there is to the play, then the hostile critics may be right.  But I think there can be more to the play.  It’s a question of seeing the play within its contexts, that is, within the contexts of Shakespeare’s other history plays, the course of English history after 1533, and the state of English society in 1613 when Shakespeare wrote the play.

Henry VIII in the context of Shakespeare’s other history plays.

Henry VIII is one of Shakespeare’s last plays, and it is the last and the most contemporaneous of his history plays.  The reign of King Henry VIII was not ancient history to Shakespeare and his audience.  Shakespeare’s audience would have considered the reign of Henry VIII to be the beginning of the modern era, that is, their era.  They would have traced their present circumstances back to Henry’s regime.  This is significant because the play doesn’t just treat Henry VIII’s personal life with disdain, it treats his political decisions and pretensions to absolutism with contempt.  A pretension to absolutism that could be viewed as very similar to that of King James I.

Throughout the play, the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Suffolk and the Earl of Surrey comment on the action in the play as it occurs, almost like a Greek chorus. The play opens with Norfolk facetiously recounting a meeting of Henry with the King of France.  He mockingly describes two very obese figures, covered in gold, silver and silk finery, awkwardly dismounting from overburdened horses and embracing.  Norfolk laughingly says he “beheld them when they lighted, how they clung in their embracement, as they grew together; which had they, what four throned ones could have weighed such a compounded one?”  Act I, Scene 1, Lines 8-10.

Norfolk goes on from there to denigrate Henry’s policies as well as his person, policies that tend toward personal political absolutism, not unlike the pretensions of James I to monarchial absolutism.  Throughout the play, Norfolk and his companions complain that Henry is emasculating the nobility, taking their power, taking away their ability to check his actions, and making them into dandified courtiers.  Their powerless also leaves the nobles’ livelihoods and even their lives subject to the whim of the King.  Absolute power for the King, absolute insecurity for his subjects.

The result that we see in the play is a kingdom full of people conniving against each other for the King’s favor, even to the point of having competitors killed, and a King who can destroy anyone with the snap of a finger, whether or not the person is guilty of any wrongdoing.  Henry’s pretensions to absolute power leads to the turmoil that we see during Henry’s reign in the play.  Absolute power for the monarch, complete chaos for the country.

Henry VIII was the culmination of Shakespeare’s consideration of English history, his tenth play on the subject, and it seems to contain a verdict on that history.  I think that verdict is “Enough already.”  Enough of the power trips and power struggles, the persecutions and executions, the demagoguery and deceit, that permeated the English history that Shakespeare dramatized in his plays.  Shakespeare is known for his ability to portray both sides of most issues, leaving it to his interpreters to decide which, if any, side is in the right.[3]  Creative ambivalence was his forte.  Not so, I contend, in this play.

Taking a side does not make Shakespeare into some kind of radical.  To the contrary.  A tension between traditionalism and modernism, old ways and new, between what we might today call conservatism and liberalism, runs through Shakespeare’s plays, with Shakespeare generally seeming to tilt toward traditionalism.  That is the case here.

Monarchial absolutism was a recently developing phenomenon in Europe.  With the rise of a wealthy capitalist class from which kings could finance their governments and the development of guns with which they could raise armies of plebian soldiers, kings were gaining independence from the nobles upon whom they had previously been dependent for money and soldiers.  Kings began to assert control over unified nation-states as distinguished from the conglomerations of disparate fiefdoms over which they previously had presided.  In Henry VIII, Shakespeare came down against this radical innovation.

In a history play such as Henry VIII, the historical events that it does not portray can be as important to the meaning of the play as those that it does portray. This is especially the case if the author can assume the audience knows about those omitted events and that the audience will consider them part of the context of the play.  I think this is the case with Henry VIII.  It is a play in which the events that are portrayed point to events with which Shakespeare’s audience would have been familiar but that come after the play’s ending.

Henry VIII, Henry VIII and Sixteenth Century English History.

Henry VIII is a history play but it deals with events that members of Shakespeare’s audience would have considered the recent past or even part of the extended present, in the way that many people in America today consider the McCarthy witch hunts of the 1940’s and 1950’s.  Written during the years 1612-1613, it portrays events of the year 1533 that significantly changed the course of English history.  And it intimates the havoc that one man with too much power can wreak on a society.

During the year 1533, King Henry VIII undertook a series of selfish, self-centered actions for personal gain that effectively revolutionized English society.  Apoplectic that the Pope would not approve a divorce for him from his wife Katherine, Henry divorced England from the Catholic Church and made himself the head of a Protestant Anglican Church.  This set off battles within England between Protestants and Catholics, and between Anglican Protestants and so-called Nonconformist Protestants, that still resonate today and that were vehemently fought for some two hundred years after Henry’s death.

Having made himself head of the Church, Henry then made Church offices a matter of personal royal patronage, with bishops and archbishops coming and going at his whim. Over the long term, this patronage system made Church policy and practices depend on which political party or faction was in power, significantly diminishing the stature of the Church.  Henry also confiscated massive amounts of Catholic Church property, kept some for himself and gave the rest to his allies.  This had the effect of furthering the development of a capitalist economy in England, albeit a corrupt, crony capitalism in which monopolies for lucrative businesses were given to friends and allies of the King.

Henry centralized political and economic power in himself, developed a cult of personality in himself, and made everyone pay court to him.  He arbitrarily and summarily turned against allies, even prosecuting and executing many, so that everyone nervously and obsequiously hovered around him, seeking to stay in his favor.  Finally, Henry fathered a series of children who had conflicting claims to the throne.  This made for political turbulence and violence as each asserted his or her claims, and for political uncertainty and instability from Henry’s death down to Shakespeare’s present day.

Although we can see all these things developing in the play, and Shakespeare’s audience knew the unhappy denouement, the play ends on a boisterously happy note.  It is seemingly a moment of equipoise.  Henry has apparently established his dominance over church and state in England, has papered over the differences between those in his realm who remained loyal to the Catholic Church and those who were pushing England toward a Protestant Church, and has an heir in the person of the baby Elizabeth.  It’s a happy ending.  Or so it may have seemed in 1533.

The felicity at the play’s end is enhanced by an apocryphal prediction made by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer.  Shakespeare invents for Cranmer a long speech in which Cranmer predicts that baby Elizabeth will grow up to become a sensational queen.  At this prediction, King Henry gushes “Archbishop, Thou hast made me now a man; never before this happy child did I get anything” and so forth for a dozen more gushing lines to end the play.  Act V. Scene 5. Lines 62-75.

But an ending is also a beginning, and a moment of equipoise is not forever.  We know today, and Shakespeare’s audience knew then, that Henry already had a daughter Mary, who was born of Katherine and who could have been his heir. But with the annulment of Henry’s marriage to Katherine, Mary had become an illegitimate child and not a potential heir to the throne.  Or so it was thought in 1533.  But Shakespeare’s audience knew better, and worse.  Mary was one day to become the Queen known as Bloody Mary.

From the vantage point of 1533, the play has a happily-ever-after ending.  But not so fast.  Shakespeare’s audience in 1613 would have known that in 1536, only three years after this happy ending, Henry would annul his marriage to Anne for failing to produce a male heir, and have her beheaded.  So, Henry really wasn’t as happy with the birth of Elizabeth as he may have appeared at the time or that Shakespeare made him appear at the end of the play.  And upon the annulment of Henry’s marriage to Anne, Elizabeth became an illegitimate child and was no longer a potential heir to the throne.  Or so it seemed in 1536.  Shakespeare’s audience knew better.

Shakespeare’s audience would also have known that Henry became paranoid in the years following 1533, afraid of both Protestant and Catholic opponents of his halfway religious reforms, and harried by a host of pretenders to the throne that his father had violently seized before him.  Henry proceeded after 1533 to kill off most of the most important people who were at one time close to him.  Of the characters in the play who were close to him in real life, Henry executed five during his lifetime: the Duke of Buckingham, Cardinal Wolsey, the Earl of Surrey, Thomas Cromwell, and Queen Anne Boleyn (spelled Bullen in the play).  Shakespeare’s audience would have known all of this.

Henry also ordered the execution of a sixth character in the play, the Duke of Norfolk, who was a main ally of Henry in reality and in the play.  Fortunately for Norfolk, Henry died before the decapitation could be carried out and Norfolk was saved.  A seventh character who is named in the play, Thomas More, another of Henry’s close confidents, was also subsequently executed by Henry.  An eighth character, Archbishop Cranmer, was under Henry’s suspicion for many years but survived his reign only to be executed later by Henry’s daughter Queen Mary.  As with the Red Queen in Alice in Wonderland, “Off with their heads” was the order of the day during King Henry’s reign and thereafter.

Finally, Shakespeare’s audience would have known that the death of Henry VIII unleashed a civil war between Protestants and Catholics in England, a bloodbath that continued for over twenty years and was still simmering in Shakespeare’s time.  Having veered back and forth between Catholic loyalists and Protestant reformers, Henry left them at each other’s throats when he died.

Upon Henry’s death in 1547, he was succeeded by his ten-year old son Edward, the product of his third wife, Queen Jane, the one after he had disposed of Anne.  Reigning as a mere child, Edward VI was guided by Archbishop Cranmer, an arch-Protestant who duly persecuted Catholics.  Edward died after only six years in office, having likely been poisoned by opponents of his religious policies.

Edward was succeeded in 1553 by his sixteen-year old cousin Lady Jane Grey.  She ruled as queen for nine days until she was overthrown and later executed by Edward’s sister, Bloody Mary. Like her mother Katherine, Queen Mary was a staunch Catholic.  She restored Catholicism as the religion of England, had Archbishop Cranmer killed, and had some three hundred other Protestants burned at the stake during her reign.

When Mary died in 1558, she was succeeded by Queen Elizabeth who ruled until her own death in 1603.  It’s at this point that the prediction that Shakespeare put into the mouth of Archbishop Cranmer in the play seemingly came true.  Elizabeth reigned long and well for England.  She began her reign with the enactment in the early 1660’s of a fairly generous Poor Relief Act.  Then she signed a peace treaty with France that finally ended some five hundred years of sporadic war over English claims to parts of France, which had been the subject or the background of several of Shakespeare’s plays.  And she oversaw the beginning of a very lucrative trade in African slaves that over the years became a foundation of English prosperity, albeit a disaster for Africa and Africans.

Elizabeth’s reign was not without conflicts and violence.  She outlawed Catholicism and restored Protestantism as the religion of the land.  There were ongoing persecutions during her time of Catholics in England and attacks by Catholic countries against England, including the famous Spanish Armada of 1588.  But these troubles were tame compared to the reign of Bloody Mary.  There were also prosecutions and executions of alleged plotters against Elizabeth, including Mary Queen of Scotts in 1587 and the Earl of Essex in 1601.  But, again, these were few and far between compared to the murderous reigns of Henry VIII and his immediate successors.

Forty-five years of stable government must have seemed a blessing to Elizabethan English people.  But at what price Shakespeare seemed to be asking?  Does Elizabeth’s reign justify the horrors of the reigns of Henry VIII and his successors before Elizabeth?  In making the last scene in Henry VIII a celebration her birth, I think Shakespeare was highlighting the horrors that had occurred during the play and that were yet to come after.

In this context, I think that the celebration at the end of the play, along with the pageantry elsewhere in the play, should be seen as ironic.  Shakespeare’s directions call for several scenes in which crowds of noblemen and noblewomen parade across the stage.  These scenes are usually staged as extravaganzas, with gorgeous costumes and sets, and seemingly accounts for complaints like that of Harold Goddard that the play is more pomp than drama.  The celebration at the end of the play is generally staged as though Shakespeare intended the audience to think this really is a happy ending.  But it isn’t, not if you know what happened next.  So, I would do things differently.

As a means of underling the shallowness of the King and his nobles, I would attire them in gaudy, garish, foolish-looking clothes and have them surrounded by a common people who are poorly dressed.  I would have the nobles parading around in ridiculously foppish and buffoonish fawning ways.  In this way, the ostentation can be seen as Henry’s, not Shakespeare’s, and the pomp can become part of the drama rather than a substitute for it.

This staging would be consistent with the complaint at the very beginning of the play by the Duke of Norfolk, a spokesperson for reason in the play, that Henry has dandified the nobility.  Although historically, as nobles became decreasingly needed as warriors, they increasingly became mere courtiers, Norfolk blames this dandification on the baleful influence on Henry of the French, which is something Shakespeare’s anti-French audience would have reacted viscerally against.  Act I. Scene 1. Lines 13-30.

Historical Message of Henry VIII: Power Corrupts the Powerful and the Powerless.

Shakespeare’s history plays are not historically precise and were not meant to be factually literal.  In these plays, Shakespeare took some historical figures plus some historical events and constructed a story out of them.  He took poetic liberty in delineating the main characters in the plays and in reconstructing the events.  The history plays were seemingly intended to convey messages about both history and current events, and to contain a moral to their stories.  Henry VIII is, I think, is no exception.

Commentators have frequently said that in his last plays, Shakespeare was trying to resolve and reconcile things that had perplexed him during his life.  In The Winter’s Tale, for example, which was written between 1609 and 1611, he deals with divisions and reconciliations among friends and family members.  In The Tempest, which is attributed to the years 1610-1611, he deals with the relation between life and art.  Prospero’s magic in The Tempest is generally seen as a metaphor for Shakespeare’s art, and Prospero’s abandoning his book of magic at the end of the play is widely regarded as a metaphor for Shakespeare’s abandoning the theater and moving toward retirement.[4]

Henry VIII is one of Shakespeare’s last plays.  If it falls into this category of bucket-list plays, what was he trying to say in it?  Michael Wood has opined that Shakespeare was trying to reconcile Catholics and Protestants.  In support of this contention, Wood notes that the two most sympathetic characters in the play are the Catholic Katherine and the Protestant Cranmer.[5]  I think that there is something to this suggestion but that there is also more to the play.

I think Shakespeare was trying to reconcile himself to the brutality and false promises of English history as he had portrayed it in his nine previous plays about English Kings.  In historical chronology, the plays started with King John, the regime in which the Magna Carta codified the rights of John’s subjects, and especially the nobles, against the King.  The plays dramatized an alternation of good and bad kings, with the hopes raised by the one being dashed by the next.  In Henry VIII, I think Shakespeare intended to show that the vicious cycle was still going around, even in his present-day.

Toward this end, Shakespeare invented an ostensibly happy ending to his play in which all the previous power struggles, persecutions, prosecutions, and executions had somehow been set aside and forgotten in the end.  A social equipoise had seemingly been achieved and a new beginning was ostensibly at hand.  Shakespeare, thereby, implicitly raised the question of what if Henry VIII had actually been satisfied with the situation he had engineered?  What if he had been content to be married to Anne and to have Elizabeth as his heir?  But he wasn’t.  And maybe he couldn’t be.

In Shakespeare’s plays, power generally corrupts and the desire for absolute power corrupts absolutely.  A power-hungry person can never have enough power.  There is always someone who has power he doesn’t have and must have to be satisfied.  But he can never be satisfied.  Because there is always someone threatening his power, and more power to be had.  That is what seems to drive characters such as Richard III and Macbeth in Shakespeare’s plays, as well as Henry VIII.  And Donald Trump today?

Shakespeare’s plays are full of examples of power turning people bad.  This was especially the case with royal children who were raised to be powerful.  In Henry VIII, the King’s personal satisfaction was his first and seemingly only priority.  A Trump-like, selfish, self-centered, self-willed person, Henry was so corrupted by power that he could not see past his own desires.  Having been born to royalty and raised to be king, Henry VIII was completely corrupted by the ability to have what he wanted when he wanted it, no questions asked.  He was the most powerful man in the kingdom, but with the mentality, desires and emotional control of an adolescent.  Sound familiar?

Portrayed in the play as a cunning capo, Henry ran his government like a mafia boss in charge of a mobster gang.  Loyalty to him and to whatever he wanted was all that counted.  That is why Archbishop Cranmer is saved at the end, despite facing charges similar to those that had brought others down:  Not for any religious, humanitarian, or other matters of principle.  He was saved because he was crucial in getting Henry his so-called divorce from Katherine.

While Henry is corrupted by possessing power, the nobles and others who hang around him in the play are corrupted by their proximity to power.  Many of them are high-born and powerful in their own right but they are like moths hovering around the more powerful King.  They woo Henry, giving him whatever he wants, and getting what they can out of the relationship.  But their well-being and even their lives depend on satisfying the whims of a capricious man-child.  Most of them eventually fail at this, and die for their efforts.  Anne Boleyn, for example, adamantly insists in the beginning of the play that she would not want to be queen and wouldn’t accept an offer of marriage from Henry. But, she does.  And she dies as a consequence.  Act II. Scene 3. Lines 22-40.

The nobles are corrupted by their proximity to power.  The masses of people are corrupted by their remoteness from power and their vicarious enjoyment of the King’s power.  Act IV, Scene 60, Lines 60-95.  Shakespeare portrays the common people as devoted to the King no matter how awful his behavior and how much damage he does to the country.  This is not unlike many supporters of President Trump in the United States today. Like Trump supporters, Shakespeare’s common people share a suspicion, envy, and hatred of those above them in the social and intellectual hierarchy of the day, and they love their leader for his attacks on those people.  They love him because he humiliates the people who humiliate them, even though they are also humiliated by him in the process.

Henry VIII, James I and Seventeenth Century English History.

In condemning Henry VIII’s power-tripping, I think Shakespeare was pointing to the pretensions to absolutism of King James I, and in highlighting the horrors that followed Henry’s reign, I think Shakespeare was raising doubts about the happy ending of his own time.  James I was not the philanderer and libertine that Henry VIII had been.  In fact, James was a narrow-minded, self-righteous pedant.  But he shared with Henry a lust for power.  Like Henry, James had been born and raised to be a king.  He became King of Scotland in 1567 at the age of eleven before becoming also King of England in 1603.  He had lived a life of power, with people bowing and scraping before him since he was a child, and he believed he was God’s special agent on earth.

When James became King of England, he commissioned a translation of the Bible that is called The King James Bible, the most popular English-language version of the Bible to this day.  A man with his own version of the Bible is likely to think well of himself.  And he did.  When James was still just King of Scotland, he had written a book entitled The True Law of Free Monarchies, published in 1598, in which he claimed that “The state of monarchy is the supremist thing upon earth; for kings are not only God’s lieutenants upon earth, and sit upon God’s throne, but even by God himself are called gods.”  Questioning a king who considered himself a god could be a risky business.  But Shakespeare did it, even if he could dare to do so only by implication.

When Shakespeare wrote Henry VIII, things were generally considered to have gone well in England during the reign of Queen Elizabeth and she had been widely idolized.  Overcoming the social and political turmoil that had been bequeathed to her by her father Henry VIII and her siblings Edward and Mary, and the complication of being a woman in a traditionally male role, she turned obstacles into opportunities and became the “Loved Ruler” and the “Loving Ruler.”[6]  Becoming beloved more than feared, she fared well.

King James sought reverence rather than love.  Although his reign up to the time of the writing of Henry VIII was tame compared to the reigns of Henry VIII and Henry’s immediate successors, but it was full of potentially ominous religious, class, and political conflicts.  I think Shakespeare was concerned about these signs of social problems and he took what I think can be seen as a series of sideswipes at James.

Religious differences reemerged as a major problem under James.  Unlike the tolerant look-the-other-way Elizabeth, James was a vehemently anti-Catholic Protestant who looked for reasons to persecute religious dissenters and found them.  In 1605, the Gunpowder Plot by a group of Catholics to blow up Parliament revived religious violence in England.  It was already illegal in England to be Catholic or Jewish, but now new penalties were enforced against Catholics and several people found to be Jewish were exiled from the country.  James also had a phobia about witches being agents of the devil, and during his early reign at least fourteen people were hanged as witches.  Even a pacifistic Anabaptist was burned at the stake for heresy in1612.

Shakespeare was no fan of religious extremism.  Measure for Measure, first performed in 1604, is a sendup of religious fanaticism.  If, as Michael Wood has suggested, Shakespeare was hoping to help reconcile Catholics and Protestants in Henry VIII, in particular by portraying the Catholic Katherine in sympathetic terms, that would have been an implicit criticism of the religious extremism of James.

Shakespeare’s implied criticisms of James extended to social policy, in particular the enclosure movement which had gained new impetus during James’ reign.  Enclosure was a legal process whereby landlords closed off land from peasant farmers who had previously cultivated it so as to raise sheep instead.  It had been ebbing and flowing for two centuries.  Peasants dispossessed of their farmlands ended up as vagabonds or worked as day laborers, much to everyone’s distress.

In 1607, the peasantry’s simmering discontent against enclosures came to a boil.  A group of some five thousand peasants known as the Diggers of Warwickshire addressed a petition to King James asking for help against the landlords.  Frequently citing the Bible to the publisher of The King James Bible, they claimed the enclosures were an offense against the King since they “deprive his most true harted (sic) communaty (sic)” of the right to live.  James responded by calling their petition “a wicked instrument” and sending out troops that slaughtered hundreds of the peasants.[7]

Shakespeare not only was aware of the events in Warwickshire but incorporated the arguments and the language of the Diggers’ petition into the opening scene of his play Coriolanus, first performed in 1608.[8]  In this scene, the requests by a group of peasants for justice are summarily rejected.  I think the scene is an implied criticism of James’ response to the peasants of his day.

Coriolanus can also be taken as an implied criticism of James’ political pretensions.  The play is a deprecatory portrayal of a demagogue who hoped to overthrow the newly founded Roman Republic in the fifth century BCE and make himself a dictatorial king.  The play can be seen as a backhanded rebuke of James’ dictatorial ambitions.  Similarly, in The Tempest, first performed in 1611, when Prospero at the end of the play abandons the magic which had given him absolute power over his island and returns to Milan as a seemingly constitutional duke, this can be seen as a rebuke to James’ insistence on absolute authority. 

In this context, Henry VIII can be seen as a critique of James’ politics in several ways.  James was in perpetual conflict with Parliament over the levying of taxes, which the King attempted to do unilaterally but which Parliament claimed as its prerogative.  Members of Parliament considered James’ spending to be extravagant and refused to grant him the taxes he wanted, so he took to refusing to call Parliament into session and began imposing taxes unilaterally.  This is something that Henry is portrayed as attempting to do in Henry VIII.   In the play, the Queen Katherine, a Catholic no less, convinced Henry to rescind his new taxes.  I.2.55-70.  II.2.20-40.  This scene can be seen as directed against James’ actions.

James was also at loggerheads with the Common Law Courts.  The Common Law was judge-made law that derived from judges’ decisions on disputed legal cases.  One judge’s decision on a type of case became a precedent for the next judge’s consideration in the next case of that type.  English common law dates from the eleventh century ACE.  James claimed that his decisions could override common law decisions.  Common law lawyers, citing the Magna Carta among other precedents, rejected the King’s claim.  In Henry VIII, Shakespeare implicitly criticizes James’ claims to absolute authority and to being above the law by having Henry go to great lengths to ensure that his divorce from Katherine was legally recognized.  Even he felt the need to pay homage to the law.

Finally, Shakespeare rejected in his plays a key assumption that is generally made by members of the comfortable classes in society.  That assumption is that what’s good for me is good for all, and for all time.  To those who are doing well, the present moment will seem to be in perfect equipoise, with all the forces of good and evil in balance.  To the well-to-do, all of history has seemingly tended toward this moment – both the good and the bad of the past – and this moment justifies it all and does so forever.  Shakespeare never bought that comfortable line of thinking and Henry VIII is a quintessential example of his rejection of it.  A joyously happy ending turns out to be a horrible beginning.  Could he have been warning that something similar might be happening in 1613?

If Henry VIII reflects Shakespeare’s discomfort with the way things were tending in England in 1613, as I think it does, he may have been prescientThe next half century was to witness violent religious and political conflicts, as England suffered through more power struggles, persecutions, prosecutions, and executions.

James I, after struggling through his own battles with Parliament, the courts and religious dissenters, bequeathed his pretensions to absolutism to his son Charles I.  It was a legacy that led to vehement political battles between Parliament and the King, and religious battles between Puritans and Anglicans. These conflicts eventuated in a civil war during the 1640’s that resulted in the temporary overthrow of the English monarchy, and cost Charles his head in 1649.

Order was not truly restored in English politics until the Glorious Revolution of 1688 when the new ruling monarchs, King William and Queen Mary, accepted the primacy of Parliament. This accord began a period of relatively calm coequal rule that was characterized as “the King in Parliament.”  Pragmatism of the sort that Shakespeare generally championed – particularly in Henry VIII – finally prevailed.  For a time.

Staging Henry VIII: Portraying the Historical Context.

If I am right in my surmise that understanding Shakespeare’s intentions in Henry VIII requires the audience to be aware of sixteenth and early seventeenth century English history, how can one stage the play for people today who don’t know that history?  I have two suggestions.

The first is to fill the Playbill for the play with helpful historical information.

The second is to take advantage of technology that enables a director to project images and words onto the back wall of a stage.  Many productions use this technology for various purposes.  The purpose here would be to fill in some historical gaps for the audience during the play, and possibly make the performance more dramatic.  To make the play even more clearly relevant to the political situation in the United States today, images of President Trump could be projected on the back wall during appropriate scenes.

In particular, during the last scene, while Henry and his court are celebrating the birth of Elizabeth, some highlights of the subsequent regimes of Anne, Edward, Mary, Elizabeth, and James could be projected in words and images on the stage wall.  While this is going on, characters in the play could gradually leave the stage until Henry is the last one left.

Epilogue: King Henry VIII is the last one to leave the stage, lingering as an offstage voice reads the play’s epilogue, which emphasizes that this is a play in which women are the virtuous characters.  The epilogue seems to point back to the virtues of the cruelly divorced Queen Katherine but also forward to the successful reign of Queen Elizabeth.

A Trump look-alike comes onto the stage, passing the King as Henry leaves.  Each scrutinizes the other and gives the other a small smile and a nod of recognition.  The Trump look-alike looks out at the audience and smirks.  The lights go out.

B.W.  5/3/19

Postscript:  Performance of Henry VIII at the Stratford Theatre Festival

I recently saw a performance of Henry VIII at the Stratford Theatre Festival in Canada.  The director cut from Shakespeare’s script the opening lines of the play in which Henry VIII is described as an overweight, overdressed, vainglorious fool and then proceeded to portray Henry as some kind of heroic figure.  The play did not make sense, and it was a very disappointing performance.  Oh well, you can’t win them all.

B.W. 6/18/19

Footnotes:

[1] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare.  Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.269.

[2] Shakespeare’s Poems and Plays.  Encyclopedia Britannica. britannica.com Accessed 4/22/19.

[3] Jonathan Bate.  The Genius of Shakespeare. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.  P.218.

[4] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare.  Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.278.

[5] Michael Wood.  Shakespeare.  New York: Basic Books, 2003. Pp.331-333.

[6] Garry Wills. Making Make-Believe Real.  New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014.

[7] Steve Hindle. “Imagining Insurrection in Seventeenth Century England: Representations of the Midland Uprising of 1607.” University of Warwick, 2018.

[8] Michael Wood. Shakespeare. New York: Basic Books, 2003. P.298.

 

Shakespeare’s “Julius Caesar.” Defending Established Institutions in Changing Times: How not to do it.

Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar.

Defending Established Institutions in Changing Times:

How not to do it.

 Burton Weltman

 “Come writers and critics, who prophesize with your pen.”

The Times They Are A-changing.  Bob Dylan.

Prologue: Friends, Nobles and Englishmen, Lend Me Your Ears.

“You say you want a revolution?”  Revolution. The Beatles.

Shakespeare did not want a revolution.  He wanted, instead, to give peace a chance.  Most of his plays reflect a nervous man living in a nerve-wracking time.  And although they often portray his dissatisfaction with much that went on around him, they also reflect caution in what he thought could safely be done to make things better.  Political and religious revolutions had wracked England for most of the sixteenth century. Julius Caesar, written in 1599, reflects Shakespeare’s fear of more of that.

Shakespeare could be described politically as what we might today call a pragmatist and a reformer rather than a revolutionary.  He could be considered liberal in the original sense of that term, that is, as someone who is generous, because he often portrayed the poor, the downtrodden, women, servants, and outcasts in sympathetic ways and their oppressors in harsh terms.  But he could also be considered conservative in the original sense of that term as someone who wanted to preserve established institutions rather than replace them.  Shakespeare’s overriding concern seemed to be that the unintended consequences of a well-intentioned revolution could end up making things worse rather than better.  Julius Caesar exemplifies that concern.  

Every period of history can probably be described as a time of turmoil and change, when old ways were failing and new ways were struggling into existence.  When people describe their own time, they are especially prone to describing things in this way.  And they almost always think of their own time as particularly perilous in comparison with past times that they retrospectively view as tranquil and settled.[1]  Shakespeare was like most people in thinking his own era perilous and, in fact, he lived at a particularly tumultuous time in English history.  But, unlike most people, Shakespeare did not portray his era as uniquely the worst of all possible worlds.  He seemed, instead, interested in finding parallels to his own time in past ages and then portraying those past times as exemplary lessons for his own.  His Julius Caesar is an example.

Julius Caesar is a psychological-political thriller.  A group of Roman patricians hope to save their republican form of government by conspiring to kill Julius Caesar, who seemingly aspires to be king.  Caesar is a very popular and victorious general, and although the conspirators admit he has hitherto been a reasonable man, they fear what ambition may lead him to become.  Brutus, their leader, rationalizes that they must “think him [Caesar] as a serpent’s egg, which, hatched, would, as his kind, grow mischievous, and kill him in the shell.” Act 1, Scene 2, Lines 33-36.  The conspirators envision their action as a preemptive revolution against a potential tyrant.  But Brutus isn’t sure, and the many halting breaks in his speech – all those commas – reflect his ambivalence and his need to reassure himself as to what they are doing.

Although their goal is to save the Republic, the conspirators ignore the established republican institutions for dealing with political problems – the Consuls and Patrician Senate, the Tribunes and Citizen Assembly – and resort instead to assassination.  They think they will be hailed as “The men that gave their country liberty.” Act 3, Scene 1, Line 133.  But Caesar’s murder triggers a civil war between the friends and foes of the dead man.  The partisans “let slip the dogs of war,” as each party tries militarily to impose its will on the other, both relying on what are essentially private armies.  Act 3, Scene 1, Line 299.  There is nothing republican about that.

The play ends with the civil war still ongoing but Shakespeare’s audience knew and we today know from history that the outcome was a Roman government dominated by an emperor, the very sort of evil that the conspirators had hoped to avoid.  In short, an attempted preemptive revolution to restore Rome’s republican roots turns against itself and becomes a counterrevolution that uproots the Republic and implants an imperial dictator.

Julius Caesar is a powerful psychological drama.  The emotional twists and turns of the main characters, their reasonings and rationalizations, accusations and defensiveness, are riveting.  The play has been criticized as too full of speechifying and it can, in fact, be performed as a series of boring declamations.[2]  But the speeches can also be emotionally and intellectually compelling, and the play can be a vehicle for great acting.  Mark Antony’s famous funeral oration for Caesar – “Friends, Romans and Countrymen, lend me your ears”– is only one among a dozen examples of speeches that can make for brilliant theater. Act 3, Scene 2, Line 82 et seq.

Likewise, the political maneuvering of the conspirators is riveting.  The ways and means with which they convince each other that what they are doing is right, and then convince others to join them, constitute a first-rate lesson in high-stakes politicking, political manipulation, and powerful demagoguery.  Many of these speeches, especially those of Brutus’ co-conspirator Cassius and Caesar’s ally Mark Antony, are diabolically clever. The devious Cassius has most of the best lines in the play, including the famous line “The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves, that we are underlings” when he is trying to manipulate Brutus into joining the conspiracy to kill Caesar.  A great line for a vile purpose.  Act 1, Scene 2, Lines 145-146.

The action in the play is mainly moved by poseurs trying to manipulate each other and the citizenry.  Caesar pretends he does not want to be king when he really does.  Cassius pretends he is most interested in saving the Republic when his primary interests seem to be pecuniary.  Antony pretends to respect Brutus in his funeral speech for Caesar and his funereal speech after Brutus’ death, in both of which he praises Brutus as an honorable man while actually seeking Brutus’ death in the former speech and celebrating Brutus’ death in the latter.  Act 5, Scene 5, Lines 74-81.

The play is full of drama, melodrama, riveting lines, and complex personalities.  As a political thriller it gets our attention.  As a psychodrama, it triggers our empathy and antipathy for various characters.  Most interpreters focus on the psychological turmoil of Brutus, which is excruciating – Caesar and he had been close friends – and many see the play as a melodrama about friendship and betrayal.[3]   Other critics debate whether the play is or is not a tragedy, and whether Brutus is a fool or a tragic hero.[4]  Many interpreters see the play as reflecting anxiety that England might descend into civil war when the childless Queen Elizabeth died without an heir.[5]  I think that all of these interpretations have merit but I think they focus too much on the individual characters in the play and on their personalities and power trips. [6]  I think that Shakespeare had broader concerns with institutional problems that he saw in ancient Rome and that he related to modern day England.

I think the play has an institutional underpinning that is often unrecognized and underplayed.  Although personalities and personal conflicts take center stage, the backdrop of the play is the failure of the established Roman institutions to deal with a serious political crisis and the failure of the parties to support those institutions.  And I think that the underlying message of the play speaks to underlying institutional concerns of Shakespeare and his audience, concerns that went beyond individual personalities and power trips.  This is a play that explores problems in modern England through the experience of ancient Rome.  The speeches and actions of the main characters reflect important debates about governmental institutions and social norms that had taken place in ancient Rome but that were also taking place in Shakespeare’s England.

Shakespeare intended, I believe, to illustrate what he saw as the disastrous consequences of neglecting established institutions and ignoring established social norms in attempting to cope with social problems in changing times.  And the moral of Julius Caesar is that attempted revolutions, whatever the merits of their motives, and whether they are from what we would call the political left or the right, often promote the evils they were intended to forestall.  It was a warning to Shakespeare’s contemporaries that still resonates with us today.

Changing Times: Shakespeare Does the Rise and Fall of the Roman Republic.

“One does not establish a dictatorship in order to safeguard a revolution; one makes a revolution in order to establish a dictatorship.”  George Orwell.

Shakespeare had a recurring interest in the history of the Roman Republic. He wrote one play about the rise of the Republic, Coriolanus, and two plays about its fall, Julius Caesar and Anthony and Cleopatra.  In each of these plays, he focused on the precariousness of Rome’s republican institutions and the dangers posed by demagogues who threatened to establish autocratic dictatorships.  The threat of tyranny and the horrors of tyrannical regimes were major themes in many of Shakespeare’s plays.  And it was not only republics that were susceptible to tyranny.  Shakespeare wrote many plays that emphasize the danger of monarchical regimes becoming tyrannies, including Hamlet, Macbeth and most of his English history plays.  At the same time, he also authored several plays that take place in relatively stable Italian republics.

A key difference between the stable and unstable regimes in Shakespeare’s plays seems to be whether they are primarily commercial societies, like the medieval Italian city-states, or primarily military regimes.  The Roman Republic lived in large part on the spoils of wars of conquest and on tribute from conquered territories, making it particularly susceptible to potential military takeovers, which is the subject of Coriolanus which takes place at the beginning of the Republic and Julius Caesar at the end.  Shakespeare seemed to be sending a message that peaceful commercial development would be better for England than military conquest.

Julius Caesar is set in the mid-first century BCE in the midst of an extreme institutional crisis of the Roman Republic.  The Republic had been established in the sixth century BCE when the last of the Roman kings was overthrown in a revolt led by a distant ancestor of Brutus.  At that time, the Senate, which had been merely an advisory body of aristocrats to the king, became a focal point of the new government.  Instead of a king, the executive powers of the government were placed in the hands of two Consuls who were chosen by the Senate with the assent of a general assembly of Roman citizens.  Each Consul could veto the actions of the other, thereby avoiding the possibility of a dictatorship.  The Senate also generally proposed legislation, but it had to be approved by the citizen assembly.  In turn, the assembly elected two Tribunes who represented the interests of ordinary citizens in negotiations with the Consuls and the Senate.  It was a mixed government that ostensibly balanced the interests of all Roman citizens.

The Republic was a government of Rome’s citizens but it must be noted that most of Rome’s residents were not citizens.  Roman society was based on the institution of slavery.  Slaves made up some thirty to forty percent of the Roman populace, and slaves did almost all of the agricultural, industrial and other menial work.  Subtracting the slaves and the substantial number of resident foreigners from the total population, citizens made up less than half the populace of Rome.  Citizens were, in turn, divided between wealthy aristocratic patricians who were represented in the Senate and lower-class plebeians represented by the Tribunes.

Plebeians were sometimes hard-up and needed government welfare support, but it must be emphasized that the plebeian assembly was made up of independent citizens and not slaves or serfs.  I think this could be a reason Shakespeare sometimes portrays crowds of citizens in Ancient Rome with some respect as compared with the disrespect he generally shows to mobs of landless peasants and menial workers in his plays about medieval England.  Roman citizens were people with some social and economic substance.

Julius Caesar portrays a major turning point in Roman history and the history of the Western World.  The Republic, which had functioned for some five hundred years, was tottering.  The previous hundred years had been punctuated by conflicts, sometimes very violent, between the patricians and the plebeians.  Concerns with social instability and public corruption were widespread.

In 44 BCE, Julius Caesar returned to Rome as a conquering military hero who had significantly expanded the sway of Rome in Europe and added to Rome’s coffers.  He represented the sort of strong leader who might restore law and order in.Rome, and he seemed to aspire to turn the clock back to times before the Republic by becoming the King of Rome.  At a mass meeting of citizens, Caesar is playfully offered a pretend crown by his ally Mark Antony.  This game between them appears to be a trial balloon to see if citizens might approve the real thing.  But their balloon is deflated when Caesar, to his dismay, is applauded by the crowd when he declines to put on the fake crown. Act 1, Scene 2, Lines 225-275.

But the game is not over, and Brutus and other patricians fear that Caesar may eventually accept a real crown with the approval of the citizen assembly. Instigated by Cassius, a corrupt associate of Brutus, Brutus organizes a conspiracy to murder Caesar in the hope of saving the Republic.  The conspirators do not invoke the Republic’s institutions.  They do not consult with the Consuls, the Senate or the Tribunes.  And they do not follow up on what appears to be the rejection of a kingship by the plebeian citizens when they applauded Caesar’s refusal of the fake crown.  They hope to save the Republic through anti-republican measures.

This essentially describes the history out of which Shakespeare constructed his play and with which he assumed his audience was familiar.  Roman history was standard fare in the educational system of his time, and much of his audience would have been familiar with the politics of Ancient Rome.  That is why Shakespeare was able to place several of his plays in ancient Rome, including Anthony and Cleopatra, Titus Andronicus, and Coriolanus in addition to Julius Caesar.  He set the actions of his protagonists in Julius Caesar within an institutional context which he expected his audience to understand.

Given this context, a key to Shakespeare’s message in the play is that the conspirators do not work through established republican institutions – the Consuls, the Senate, the Tribunes – and fail to adhere to longstanding republican norms in their effort to save the Republic.  I think Shakespeare expected his audience to notice this, and to understand that the conspirators’ failure to respect established institutions and norms contributed significantly to their failure.  Acting on their own noble initiative, with Cassius spurring Brutus on by repeatedly referring to the heroic actions of Brutus’ sixth-century ancestor, the conspirators chose means to save the Republic that only precipitated the very result they had hoped to avoid.  In killing Caesar, they essentially murdered the Republic and made way for a dictatorial emperor to take power.

Changing Times: Shakespeare and the Transition from Medieval to Modern Society.

“A revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery.”  Mao Zedong.

Shakespeare wrote Julius Caesar in the late sixteenth century in the midst of significant institutional crises in England.  It was a time that was recognized by him and his contemporaries as being unusually full of turmoil and institutional changes, changes that historians today characterize as the transition from the traditional society of the Middle Ages to a more dynamic modern society.  Feudalism was in its last throes, capitalism in its thriving infancy.  A relatively cohesive society based on personal relations and local norms was being replaced by a more chaotic society based on competitive relations and impersonal contracts.  Money was increasingly becoming the measure of all things. There was greater freedom but less communality and seemingly more cold calculation.

Shakespeare lived through a period of relative calm in between the political storms of the first half of the sixteenth century and the conflicts of the first half of the seventeenth.  It was a period of fear more than fighting, but there was still plenty of violence that provoked the fear of more.  When Shakespeare wrote Julius Caesar, Queen Elizabeth had been on the throne for some forty years.  A remarkably long reign for that era.  But Shakespeare was a child of the turmoil of previous generations.
In the twenty years prior to Elizabeth’s ascension in 1558, three monarchs had been overthrown, one of whom had been beheaded.  In the forty years before Elizabeth’s ascension, England had been forcefully converted and reconverted from Catholicism to Protestantism, back to Catholicism and then back to Protestantism, with much violence and many executions in the process.  Although England was now an emphatically Protestant country, religious animosity between Catholics and Protestants in England, and wars between Protestant England and Catholic countries, was continuous throughout Elizabeth’s reign and Shakespeare’s life, and religious animosity figures in many of his plays.  If you see a Catholic priest in a Shakespeare play, you can predict he is up to no good.

Queen Elizabeth’s rule was also fraught with many plots against her by would-be strong-armed leaders, including two attempts to overthrow her by Mary Queen of Scots and Mary’s various male allies; two attempts by the Spanish King and his armadas; four plots to overthrow her by Robert Ridolfi, Francis Throckmorton, Anthony Babington, and Roderigo Lopez; and, the Essex Rebellion against her led by Robert Devereux.  During her reign, Elizabeth also battled with Parliament, which had been not much more than a rubber stamp of the Kings’ actions before her time, but became increasingly assertive against Elizabeth and insisted on concessions in exchange for voting her the funds she needed to govern.

Meanwhile, during Elizabeth’s reign, English landowners were increasingly displacing peasant farmers from their land in favor of raising sheep for wool.  This Enclosure Movement was causing havoc in the countryside, with homeless peasants wandering about looking for work, begging for food, and committing crimes to survive.  Medieval serfdom had tied the peasants to the land so that they were not free to leave, but it also prohibited the lords of the lands from displacing them.  With the end of feudalism and serfdom with it, peasants were free to leave the land and landlords were free to push them off.  This was the mob that Shakespeare feared.

Elizabeth’s reign was, thus, full of plots, subplots, and perils.  And Shakespeare’s plays, particularly Julius Caesar, were reactions against this institutional instability.  Shakespeare seems to fear that what happened to Rome could happen to England, and he does not want that.

Shakespeare on Social Change: Respect and Reconciliation over Revenge and Revolution.

“Meet the new boss. Same as the old boss.”  Won’t Get Fooled Again.  The Who.

Most of Shakespeare’s plays reflect an ambivalence toward the dramatic social changes that were taking place in England, and a concern with the problems that arise when established institutions and norms fail.  His plays focus on institutional turmoil, and many have either unhappy endings or only superficially happy endings.  He repeatedly wrote about decent rulers being deposed by usurpers who then wreak havoc.  While part of Shakespeare’s motive in writing so much about turmoil may be that turmoil is more interesting in a play than peace and tranquility, the plays also seem to reflect deep concerns of Shakespeare and his audience.

These concerns are particularly evident in Shakespeare’s history plays that cover roughly the period in English history from the early 1200’s to the mid 1500’s, that is, from what we can date as the beginnings of the end of feudalism to the beginnings of the rise of modern capitalism. These plays focus on the tumultuous risings and fallings of kings, and the failure of established feudal and religious institutions and norms to prevent violence and ensure social stability.

Henry IV, for example, deals with the consequences of Henry’s usurpation of the English throne from Richard II.  Likewise, Richard III deals with Richard’s usurpation of the throne from his brother’s rightful heirs.  Both plays devolve into civil wars and death all around.  They are not happy tales of English history.  Coup after coup, violent revolt after violent revolt, English history as portrayed in Shakespeare’s plays was a hellish mess.  These same concerns are evident in most of his other plays.

In Macbeth, for example, the problem is that Macbeth not only violates his feudal oath and duties to his king, he also violates the Sixth Commandment against murder when he kills the king, and violates the even more ancient and universal rules of hospitality: Thou shalt not kill your guests.  The play resounds with the breakdown of moral and political norms and institutions.  This breakdown is seemingly the witches’ satanic goal, to create a lawless situation of each against each and all against all, a hell on earth.  And they succeed.  The ability of satanic characters to wreak havoc concerned Shakespeare in Macbeth and other plays.

In Hamlet, younger brother Claudius kills his older brother and usurps the Danish throne over his brother’s rightful heir, Hamlet.  Hamlet is goaded into revenge by what I interpret as a satanic ghost.  Revenge does not generally turn out well in Shakespeare’s plays and usually redounds onto the perpetrator.  The result in Hamlet is death all around and the conquest of Denmark by the Norwegians, not a happy outcome for the country.[7]

Even Shakespeare’s comedies reflect concerns about legitimate rulers being overthrown and institutional norms being flouted, for example, in As You Like It, which was written at about the same time as Julius Caesar, and in Shakespeare’s last major play The Tempest.  In As You Like It, younger brother Frederick usurps the throne of his older brother Duke Senior, who escapes with his retinue to live in a forest.  In The Tempest, younger brother Antonio usurps the throne of Milan from older brother Prospero, who escapes to a deserted island with his daughter.

In both plays the usurpers come to see the errors of their ways, everyone is reconciled, and the older brothers are restored to their rightful places through implausible plot contrivances. These plays have happy endings, and a happy ending is one of the things that generally distinguishes a comedy from a tragedy.  But the plays are still troubling when you contrast the realism of the usurpations with the unreality of the restorations.  And I think we are expected to realize this.

Shakespeare was clearly worried.  Most of his plays, both the fictional and the ostensibly factual, focus on the disorder and death that arise from a disrespect of established institutions and institutional norms, especially as to the succession of rulers.  Julius Caesar highlights the problems that worried Shakespeare since both sides of the dispute in that play – Caesar and his heirs Antony and Octavius on the one hand, and Brutus and his allies on the other – eschew established institutions and orderly procedure for violence and war.  Both Caesar’s portended revolution and Brutus’ preemptive counterrevolution violate republican norms and procedures, as does the civil war that follows.  The cure is, in this case, at least as bad as the disease.

The Tendency for Revolutionaries to go too far, and for Revolutions to go not far enough.

“Revolutions have never lightened the burden of tyranny; they have only shifted it to another shoulder.”  George Bernard Shaw.

The actions of the main characters in Julius Caesar exemplify two tendencies that seem to emerge in almost all revolutions and that often doom them to failure.  The revolutionaries tend either go too far or not far enough, and both the revolutionaries and their opponents tend to overreact which results in a vicious cycle of overreactions.

Shakespeare was not a troglodyte.  Conservative in his respect for established institutions and the Establishment, he was liberal in his compassion toward the downtrodden and was generally opposed to war.  In As You Like It, for example, he favors women’s rights.[8]  In Twelfth Night, he opposes the mistreatment of servants.[9]  In Coriolanus, he is sympathetic to the plight of the lower classes.[10]  In The Merchant of Venice, he opposes antisemitism.[11]  In Henry V, he unfavorably portrays the causes and effects of war.  Shakespeare has more bad rulers in his plays than good.  But he repeatedly favors due process and reconciliation over revolution or revenge.  So, Shakespeare could be considered a reformer who wants a better world, but also wants to protect established institutions for fear of the chaos and violence that attends revolution.  And this is what we see in Julius Caesar.

Shakespeare gives us an indication of the way he might recommend handling someone like Caesar in the opening of the play.  The play opens with the two Roman Tribunes chastising a group of citizens for not being at work and for flocking to support Caesar when they had previously adored a general named Pompey.  The Tribunes fear that the citizens are fickle, supporting whoever is the latest military hero, and they are concerned that the Citizens Assembly might support an attempt by Caesar to seize power.  The Tribunes determine to clip the wings of Caesar, “Who else would soar above the view of men and keep us all in servile fearfulness.”  Act 1, Scene 1, Lines 79-80.  They try to stir up public opinion against Caesar’s seizing power, and their efforts seem to have had success when the citizens subsequently applaud Caesar’s refusal of the crown offered by Antony.  The problem is that Brutus and his allies, instead of building on this popular success and institutional foundation, decide to eschew institutional processes for unilateral assassination.

Julius Caesar is a play about preemptive actions and overreactions.  The Tribunes open the play with an emotional reaction to the adoration of Caesar by a group of citizens.  The Tribunes fear the masses will support Caesar’s apparent ambition to be king.  But they don’t.  The Tribunes successfully work to diminish Caesar’s popular appeal, and the citizens don’t support his taking the crown.  Like the Tribunes, Brutus fears Caesar’s ambition and worries about Caesar’s popularity but, unlike the Tribunes, Brutus overreacts in concluding that assassination is the only way to stop Caesar.  Instead of relying on institutional mechanisms, he bypasses them and undermines his own goal.  Later in the play, Brutus and Cassius overreact and almost come to blows when each criticizes the other about who is to blame for their perilous situation.  Cassius then overreacts and commits suicide when he thinks his comrade Messala has been captured by enemy troops, which he hasn’t.  Finally, Brutus kills himself when he thinks all is lost, but it really isn’t.  Overreactions compound each other and end up in death and disaster.

Julius Caesar is also a play about revolutionaries going both too far and not far enough.  Brutus goes too far in eschewing established institutions in an effort to save them but he goes not far enough when he refuses Cassius’ advice to kill Antony along with Caesar.  Act 2, Scene 1, Lines 170-195.  Brutus’ soft-heartedness is his downfall since it is Antony’s funeral oration for Caesar that turns the citizenry against Brutus and the other assassins, and that provokes the civil war that ends with an imperial regime.

Caesar’s avengers Octavius and Antony are not so soft-hearted and they kill all who oppose them, including friends and family members.  Act 4, Scene 1, Lines 1-4.  They also take extreme actions against the Republic that Caesar would likely never have done, decimating the Senate and “put[ting] to death an hundred senators.” Act 4, Scene 3, Line 201.  We know today, and Shakespeare’s audience also knew, that no sooner have Octavius and Antony dispatched Brutus’ allies than they turn on each other and fight for power.  We also know that Antony will commit suicide after his army is defeated by that of Octavius, and that Octavius will become the first Roman emperor, renaming himself Augustus to match his august position.  Finally, we know that while the institutions of the Republic were formally retained by Augustus (Octavius), they were hollow shells that existed only to support his rule.  In sum, the actions of the revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries in Julius Caesar were a bloody mess that wrecked the Republic.

I don’t think that these institutional causes and consequences are sufficiently emphasized in most productions of Julius Caesar.  As a means of giving them their proper due, I would suggest staging the play with groups of people congregating upstage who represent the two Consuls, the two Tribunes, the Senators, and the Citizens.  The actors representing these republican institutions could step downstage as they appear as characters in the play, and then return to their institutional places when their scenes are over.  The actors could also pantomime reactions to events as  action affects their respective institutions.  Brutus’ allies and the various Senators killed by Octavius and Antony could also be seen being murdered.

As the play ends, Antony says nice things about the dead Brutus, beginning with “This was the noblest Roman of them all” and ending with a claim that Brutus’ virtues were so great that “nature might stand up and say to all the world ‘This was a man.’” Octavius concurs and finishes the play with “let’s away to part the glories of this happy day.”  Act 5, Scene 5, Lines 74-81, 87-88.  These lines are generally played as though Antony and Octavius are sincerely mourning Brutus.  I suggest that, to the contrary, Antony’s tone when saying these things be haughty and insincere, and likewise with Octavius who is clearly more interested in starting to party than in mourning Brutus.  Also, as soon as Antony and Octavius have finished speaking, each should give the other an evil look, as though they are sizing each other up for the next round of battling.

Finally, I suggest that Octavius, who will soon be Emperor Augustus, assert himself to the front of the stage as he leaves, and then turn to look imperiously downstage at the players representing the republican institutions.  I would then have those players bow and bend their knees to him, as if to say so ends Julius Caesar and also the Roman Republic.

BW 11/18/18

P.S.  A Bit of Counter-historical Speculation.

In the four hundred or so years that Rome had been a Republic in which the Senate was the predominant political authority, there had periodically been times of turmoil when a dictator had seized or been given power to set things right.  In each case, the Senate had returned to power when the dictator died, retired or was deposed.  Arguably, if Brutus and his colleagues had allowed Julius Caesar to try to seize power, and it is not clear that he would have succeeded, his reign would likely have been followed by the Senate’s return to power.

As it happened, in trying to keep the Senate in power by assassinating Caesar, Brutus and his fellow conspirators significantly weakened the Senate.  They were defeated by Caesar’s political supporters which was a major blow to the institution.  The Senate was also weakened by the deaths and banishments of Brutus and other of the Senate’s strongest supporters.  In this context, Augustus, Caesar’s successor, was able to seize power and establish a hereditary monarchy.  The Senate was permanently relegated to secondary importance and that was the end of the Republic.

If Brutus and his colleagues had kept their cool, and not assassinated Caesar, the Republic might have in the long run been saved.  I think that this line of counter-historical thinking is implicit in Shakespeare’s play.

[1] Stephen J. Gould. “Losing the Edge” in The Flamingo’s Smile. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1985. pp.216-217.

[2] Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Book, 1939. p.153.

[3] John Simon. “Will in the Middle.” Review of Rome and Rhetoric: Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar by Garry Wills.  New York Times Sunday Book Review. 11/25/11

[4] It’s a tragedy: Harold Goddard.  The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952. p.307.

It’s not a tragedy: Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Book, 1939. pp.157-158.

[5] Maria Wyke. Cited in “Julius Caesar (Play).” Wikipedia. 11/9/18.

[6] Coppelia Kahn. “Julius Caesar: A Modern Perspective.”  Postscript to Julius Caesar. New York: Washington Square Press, 1992. pp.215-217.

[7] This is discussed in my blog post “Better Dead than Red:  Hamlet and the Cold War against Catholicism in Elizabethan England.”  historyaschoice.wordpress.com

[8]  This is discussed in my blog post “The Taming of a Schlemozzle: As You Like It as you like it.”

[9]  This is discussed in my blog post “Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night, or As You Will.  A Masquerade of Fools, Fooling and Con(wo)men.”

[10]  This is discussed in my blog post “From Phallus to Phalanx. Is Shakespeare’s Tragedy of Coriolanus actually a Comedy? The End of a Heroic Age.”

[11]  This is discussed in my blog post “Shakespeare, Shylock and The Merchant of Venice: Protestants, Catholics and the Jewish Question in Elizabethan England”

From Phallus to Phalanx. Is Shakespeare’s “Tragedy of Coriolanus” actually a Comedy? The End of a Heroic Age.

From Phallus to Phalanx.

Is Shakespeare’s The Tragedy of Coriolanus actually a Comedy?

The End of a Heroic Age.

 

Burton Weltman

 

“The tragedy of Coriolanus is one of the most amusing of

[Shakespeare’s] performances.”   Samuel Johnson.

 

When is a Tragedy a Comedy?  Telling a fool from a hero.

The main thesis of this essay is that Shakespeare’s play The Tragedy of Coriolanus would be better played and more meaningful if it were read as a dark comedy rather than as a tragedy.  That sounds like nonsense and even blasphemy against the sacred Shakespearean canon.  I think, however, that the definitions of tragedy and comedy are fuzzy and flexible enough, and that Shakespeare’s writings are complex and multidimensional enough, to make that thesis plausible.

One of the great things about Shakespeare’s plays is that you can read the lines and play the scenes in many different ways that legitimately represent the original text.  And you can come up with different meanings depending on how you say, stage and act the words.  Shakespeare also liked to play around the edges of story forms, combining and overlapping different genres to produce intricate dramas.  It is in that context that I contend Coriolanus is a comedy.

Story forms can be categorized into three main types – melodrama, comedy, and tragedy.[1]  Melodrama is the predominant story form in our society and the form in which most people instinctively react to adversity.  It is a story of good against bad, good guys against bad guys.  “Who is doing this to me and how can I defeat them” is the first reaction of most people to a problem.  This reaction is essentially the “fright, then fight or flight” reaction that we have inherited from our piglet-like precursors who had to make their way in a world of giant carnivores.  It is a function of the brain stem, the earliest and least sophisticated portion of the human brain that we inherited from those puny ancestors.  Comedy and tragedy are more complex reactions that derive from the cerebral cortex which evolved later in humanoids.[2]

Comedy is generally defined as a story of wisdom versus folly, wise people versus foolish people.  In comedy, the problem is created by someone acting out of stupidity or ignorance, “the intervention of fools,” and the solution is for the wise to teach or restrain the fools so that they can do no further damage.[3]  Comedy involves conflicts and struggles but the action is usually peaceful, although it can become violent and even fatal.  The humor in a comedy stems from our recognition of the stupidity of the characters.  A comedy may have a happy or unhappy ending depending on whether the fools learn their lesson and whether violence is avoided.

Tragedy can be defined as a story of too much of a good thing becoming bad.  Tragedy involves a character who pursues a too narrowly prescribed good too far until it turns on itself, becomes bad and precipitates a potential disaster.  The character’s tragic flaw is a lack of perspective, the failure to see things in a broader context, for example failing to recognize that one person’s good may be someone else’s bad, that the world may contain competing goods, and that an individual’s good ultimately depends on the good of all.

Tragedy is a story of hubris versus humility, the failure of the tragic character to recognize his personal limits and reconcile contradictions within herself, within his society or between herself and society. The goal of tragedy is for the tragic hero and the audience to recognize the narrowness of the hero’s perspective – recognition of the character’s flaw at the end of the story by the character and the audience is a key to this narrative form [4]

The lines between melodrama, comedy and tragedy are not hard and fast, and the story forms overlap in many respects.  Each, for example, can contain elements of stupidity, conflict, violence, and pride, and each can have an unhappy ending.  Too much of one element can transform one story form into another.  Too much conflict, for instance, could turn a comedy into a melodrama, and too much stupidity can turn a comedy into a tragedy.

Shakespeare often wrote so-called comedies that can be read as bordering on melodrama.  For example, in The Taming of the Shrew, Petruchio’s treatment of Katherine can be seen as misogynistic and malevolent. In The Merchant of Venice, the treatment of Shylock by Antonio and Portia can be read as cruel and un-Christian.  In The Comedy of Errors, the treatment of foreigners and slaves can be interpreted as brutal and brutish.  Read in these ways these plays should perhaps be called comic melodramas or, at least, melodramatic or dark comedies.

Many of Shakespeare’s comedies also have endings that may superficially look happy but seem to contain within them the seeds of future melodramatic conflicts and even disasters.  The Taming of the Shrew, for example, ends with Kate making peace by seemingly subordinating herself to her husband, but it looks like a fragile and temporary peace at best.  Likewise, the marriages at the end of The Merchant of Venice look like the prelude to future marital conflicts between manipulative women and macho men, and the likelihood of unfunny abuse.

Comedy can also border on tragedy, and too much stupidity and too little dignity can turn what purports to be a tragedy into a comedy.  I think this is what happens in Coriolanus. As described by Aristotle, a tragic hero is someone who suffers from hubris or excessive pride, makes an error of judgment as a result of his hubris, suffers a serious reversal of fortune which is greater than he deserves, and then recognizes that his downfall was his own fault.  Applying these criteria to Coriolanus, Coriolanus clearly suffers from excessive pride and makes serious errors of judgment based on his overweening pride, but I do not think that he suffers a downfall out of proportion to his faults or that he ever recognizes that his downfall is his own fault.  And his boorish behavior and outlandish language do not befit tragedy.

Coriolanus can best be seen, I think, as a comic fool, not a tragic hero, and that, I contend, is what makes Coriolanus important for us today.  Shakespeare was dramatizing the end of an age of individualistic heroes and the beginning of an age in which cooperation among common people was imperative.  We live in an era in which proponents of an anachronistic individualism are battling to stop a similar pro-social transformation and turn the clock back a hundred years to a Social Darwinian struggle of each against all.  Coriolanus is a play that can help us understand those people and help us stop their retrograde political, social, and intellectual programs.

The Relevance of Coriolanus: Putting Things in a Historical Context.

“But no man’s a hero to himself.”  Ray Bradbury.

Unless he is Coriolanus, King James I, or Donald Trump. And therein lies a tale worth telling.

Shakespeare’s Tragedy of Coriolanus is the story of a renowned Roman warrior who lived in the fifth century BCE. The play deals with real historical people and events.  It is based on Plutarch’s account of Coriolanus in his Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans.[5]  The play focuses on the personality and actions of Coriolanus and on his interactions with the common people of Rome in a time of widespread popular protests against food shortages and almost continuous warfare between the Romans and their Volscian neighbors.

Although the play is full of action, colorful characters, and biting dialogue, scholars have noted that Coriolanus “has not, on the whole, been a popular play, either on the stage or with the literary critics,”[6] and has been called Shakespeare’s “most neglected play.”[7]  It is not widely read or performed.  I think that is unfortunate because the play is eminently relevant to events in our world today.  There seem to be two main reasons for the play’s unpopularity.

The first reason is the repulsive personality of its main character, Coriolanus. He is characterized by an overweening egotism, a derogatory attitude almost everyone around him, and an unwillingness or inability to keep from violently insulting anyone who differs with him.  As the ostensible hero of this play, most people find it hard to identify with someone as obnoxious as Coriolanus. The second reason for the play’s unpopularity is the way the common people are portrayed, which is generally seen as anti-democratic and, as such, objectionable to modern-day democratically inclined audiences. [8]

I think, however, that reading the play as anti-democratic and as a tragedy misses its main points and its relevance for us today.  Shakespeare lived at a time of significant changes in England from a still largely medieval society to an incipient modern society.  These changes met with considerable resistance and conflict.  Shakespeare was aware of the changes and conflicts, and he wrote about them in many of his plays, sometimes explicitly, other times implicitly.  Coriolanus, which was completed in 1608 during the early years of the reign of King James I, portrays political and social changes and conflicts that took place in fifth century BCE Rome which reflect similar changes and conflicts that were taking place in early seventeenth century England.

Both societies were moving from dictatorial to more popular forms of government, from isolated monocultures to more inclusive and diverse cultures, and from more individualistic to more socialized institutions of war and peace.  The relevance of the play is that changes and conflicts of this sort have been taking place over the past century in the United States and much of the western world. In seeing the play as an anti-democratic tragedy, I think that interpreters fail to take fully into consideration the changes that were taking place in ancient Rome and Stuart England and in so doing, they misinterpret the personal and political implications of the play.

In my opinion, the play is better read as a dark comedy.  In this view, Coriolanus is not a tragic hero but an arrogant ass who is the chief fool in the play, and the play includes an implicit but daring criticism of James I.  The play is not anti-democratic but a plea for balance in government and justice to the lower classes.  The noxiousness of Coriolanus is one of the things that made the play relevant to people in Shakespeare’s day and makes it relevant to us today.

The Plot: A Vicious or Virtuous Cycle of Debate?

The basic plot of Coriolanus is fairly simple. The backstory of the play is that Coriolanus, whose given name is Martius, after the Roman god of war, has been raised by his mother to be a proud and valiant warrior with an inflexible personality.  She is a true Valkyrie who would love to be a warrior herself.  The play opens with an argument between some plebian citizens involved in protesting food shortages and Menenius representing the patricians who control the food.  The plebians want the government to make food available to the hungry people, which the patricians resist on the grounds that it is their food.  Martius intervenes to denounce the protesters and call for them all to be hanged.  How one interprets who has the better of the argument in this scene is crucial to how one views the play.

Shortly thereafter, Martius performs heroic individual military feats in defeating the Volscians and taking the city of Corioles.  He is given the name Coriolanus in honor of his heroics.  He then repeatedly rejects any special payment for his service to Rome because he considers himself above any kind of service to the state.  He does what he does because he wants to do it.   He considers any reward to be demeaning, as though he were for hire and acting heroically for pay.

Based on Coriolanus’ military heroics, the patricians propose elevating him to be a counsul, which was one of the two chief executives in the Roman government.  An assembly of the plebians initially approves this appointment.  But then they hear of his refusal to share food with the populace and his plans to eliminate the newly created position of tribune, which gave the plebians a say in government.  Coriolanus repeatedly insults the plebians and their tribunes and rejects the idea that as counsul he would be serving them.  He considers himself above doing service to anyone, let alone a bunch of lowly plebians.

The plebians retract their approval of Coriolanus’ appointment as consul and conduct a trial in which they find him guilty of treason based on his plans to abolish the tribunes and thereby overthrow the established government, a crime for which he could be executed.  But because of his prior heroic service to the state, which ironically Coriolanus refuses to acknowledge as service to the state, the tribunes decide to spare his life and exile him instead. The government then distributes food to the hungry populace, much to Coriolanus’ disdain and chagrin.

In exile, Coriolanus spitefully offers his services to the Volscians whose leader literally welcomes him with open arms.  Coriolanus then leads a Volscian army toward Rome with the vengeful intent of ransacking the city and killing its inhabitants.  He rejects pleas from former Roman friends to spare the city from annihilation but eventually responds positively to a plea from his mother.  Coriolanus decides to go back on his agreement with the Volscians and spare Rome. How the scene with his mother is played is also crucial to interpreting the play. The play ends with Coriolanus being killed by the Volscians as a turncoat.

Coriolanus is a talky play, chock full of personal and political debating.  People are continually debating the virtues and vices of Coriolanus and the pros and cons of popular government.  The weight of the debate continually swings back and forth between fear of tyranny and fear of mob rule, and between concern for the personal problems of Coriolanus and the political problems of Rome.[9]  The debaters circle around and around so much that many critics are flummoxed as to what Shakespeare intends.[10]

I think this confusion is to a large extent a result of interpreters trying to fit the debates into the serious story form of a tragedy instead of a comedy in which most of the characters are confused and many of them are fools, even if they are dangerous.  Most of the debates are conducted in hyperbole, and most of the speeches should be played as overblown and somewhat ridiculous.  Among the main characters, only the Roman general Cominius stands out as a voice of reason and reasonableness who tries to bridge the gaps among the arguing parties.

So, is the play a virtuous cycle of debate that leads to the softening of Coriolanus and the salvation of Rome?  Or is it a vicious cycle that culminates in a hardening of Coriolanus’ pride and an exacerbation of the class struggle in Rome?  Explicating the historical contexts in which Coriolanus lived and in which Shakespeare wrote can help answer these questions.

Coriolanus in Ancient and Modern Historical Context.

“A hero is no braver than an ordinary man, but he is brave five minutes longer.”           Ralph Waldo Emerson.

Developments in fifth century BCE Rome paralleled developments in seventeenth century England and that, I think, is a key indicator as to what Shakespeare intended with this play.  Rome in the fifth century BCE was politically moving from a kingship to an aristocratic republic with some democratic elements.  We see in the course of the play Coriolanus the beginnings of the development of the basic ideologies and institutions – the autocratic consuls who stood in place of a king, the patrician senate that represented the rich, and the democratic tribunes and general assemblies of plebian citizens – that were the foundation of the Roman Republic for the next four hundred years.  They were also the source of almost continuous conflict as the social classes represented in each of those institutions vied for power over the others.  Much of the cycle of debate in the play revolves around whether Rome will be ruled by a dictator, for which position Coriolanus was a leading candidate, by an aristocracy, by the demos, or by some combination of these three possibilities.

Paralleling the political movement from one-man rule to a more popular and collective government, Roman military tactics were moving from a more individualistic and heroic form of combat – the simultaneous one-on-one battles of hordes of men that one sees in The Iliad – to a more collectivist combat of large numbers of men organized into phalanxes – groups of armed soldiers standing close together and presenting a wall of aggression and opposition to the enemy.  In one-on-one combat, victory generally went to the most highly skilled and most wildly ferocious soldiers.  It was the sort of combat made for heroic individuals such as Coriolanus.

Phalanx warfare, by comparison, required little skill and less intensity.  Patience and fortitude were the keys.  Soldiers stood shoulder-to-shoulder with spears or swords outstretched, each soldier supporting the others next to him and willing to stay in formation with his comrades no matter what.  Not the sort of thing for free-lancers or egotists.  They would at best look foolish and would likely endanger the rest of the group. Nor would phalanx warfare be likely to produce individualistic heroes.  Heroism, in this context, was Emerson’s standing together for five minutes longer.  It was, however, the sort of warfare that enabled Rome to conquer much of the world.  The play Coriolanus in effect dramatizes a last hurrah for someone like Coriolanus whose heroism was becoming obsolete in Ancient Rome, but not without resistance from high-ranking supporters of the old ways.

England in the early 1600’s CE was facing a similar situation and conflict.  King James I was claiming to be a divine right king whose will should be considered omnipotent.  James was a scholarly and deeply religious man and was, after all, responsible for the publication of the almost universally acclaimed King James Bible.  But his religiosity also took him down some dark alleyways.  He was, for example, obsessed with the dangers of witchcraft and personally supervised the torturing of women to get them to confess to being witches.

Born in 1566, James became King of Scotland in 1567 and was not only raised to be a king but was raised as a king.  James grew up endowed with autocratic power that he attributed to God.  In The True Law of Free Monarchies, published in 1598, James claimed that “The state of monarchy is the supremist thing upon earth; for kings are not only God’s lieutenants upon earth, and sit upon God’s throne, but even by God himself are called gods.”  Talk about hutzpah.

Upon assuming the throne of England in 1603, James immediately came into conflict with Parliament.  Parliament represented English aristocrats who did not generally ascribe to James’ theories of divinely instituted autocratic monarchy.  They insisted that what James considered the legitimate freedoms of the monarch be balanced by the freedoms of aristocrats as set down in The Magna Carta and English common law.  And these patricians asserted their rights through Parliament’s control over the government’s purse.  If James did not approve laws and take other actions they wanted, they would not grant him taxes to run his government and engage in wars.

This running conflict between the King and Parliament eventually erupted in civil war in the 1640’s and led to the execution of King Charles I, James’ son, who went to his death insisting on the divinity of an autocratic monarchy.  These later events were past Shakespeare’s time, but he lived through the beginnings of them and portrayed similar events in his plays.

While King James and the aristocrats in Parliament were battling over their rights, the lowly English masses were demonstrating against the enclosure movement and on behalf of what they claimed as their rights as free-born Englishmen.  During the Middle Ages, a portion of a nobleman’s land was generally set aside as a common area on which peasants could graze their animals and raise some crops.  Over time, this use of the so-called commons became considered a legal right of the peasants.  But starting in the 1500’s, patrician landowners began enclosing these common areas, and banning the peasants from using them, so that the patricians could devote the commons along with their other lands for grazing sheep.  Exporting wool to the European continent became a very profitable industry for these patricians.

But the combination of closing off the commons and dedicating most of England’s other farmland to raising sheep resulted in a large decrease in the amount of grain being grown in the country.  Unable to use the commons, huge numbers of peasants were bankrupted off their land.  And with little land devoted to raising grain, grain shortages occurred and bread prices for the urban poor skyrocketed.  The result was bread riots in the cities and anti-enclosure demonstrations and land occupations in the countryside.  In the latter case, peasants would tear up the newly grown hedges that enclosed what had been common land, then they would dig into the land and plant crops.  Hence these protesters were called Diggers.

In 1607, a group of some five thousand peasants known as the Diggers of Warwickshire addressed a petition to King James I asking for help against the landlords.  Frequently citing the Bible, they claimed the enclosures were an offense against the King since they “deprive his most true harted (sic) communaty (sic)” of the right to live.  James responded by calling their petition “a wicked instrument” and sending troops that slaughtered hundreds of the peasants.[11]

The parallel of James’ response to the protesters with that of Coriolanus couldn’t be closer.  Shakespeare was not only aware of the events in Warwickshire when he completed Coriolanus in 1608, he incorporated the arguments and the very language of the Diggers’ petition into the opening scene of the play in which a group of citizens representing the hungry Roman populace debate with a spokesperson for the Roman patricians.  In their petition, for example, the Diggers repeatedly spoke of themselves as members of a body politic – “We members of the whole” –  that was being starved by greedy landlords. The metaphor of a political body that is made up of members that serve different functions and need to be cared for is at the center of the debate between the protesters and the patricians in Coriolanus.  Significantly, I think the protesters get the better of the argument in the play.[12]

Changes in warfare that were taking place in seventeenth century England also paralleled those in fifth century BCE Rome.  Just as Rome had moved from the individualized combat of phallic sword fighting to collectivized phalanxes, so too warfare in Shakespeare’s time was moving from the individualized battling of knights in shining armor to the collectivized combat of massed musket-wielding soldiers.

Muskets were newly developed weapons in Europe that shot bullets which could penetrate armor and made armored knights obsolete.  Muskets had smooth barrels, however, which made them extremely imprecise as to aim.  They propelled round lead balls that wobbled down a barrel and then out into the air in the general direction in which the musket was aimed.  An individual musketeer was very unlikely to hit any specific thing at which he was aiming.  But a massed row of musketeers could launch a wall of lead that would mow down an enemy army.

Armored knights were highly trained and skilled warriors whose individualized combats were often heroic as, for example, in Shakespeare’s play Henry V.  As with Roman phalanxes, massed musket warfare required little skill, since aiming a musket was almost irrelevant, and it involved little in the way of individual heroics.  Again, as with the Roman phalanx, heroism was standing together for five minutes longer.  It was, however, massed armies of plebian soldiers that enabled England to become the world’s largest empire.  Individualistic heroes of England’s recent past, such as Henry V, were becoming obsolete in Shakespeare’s time and, I think, this was one of the implications of his play Coriolanus.

Conventional Interpretations: Psychology, Sociology, and Tragedy.

Most interpretations of Coriolanus focus on the character, psychology and personal relations of Coriolanus and on the character, psychology and social relations of the rebellious citizens.  The variety of interpretations of Coriolanus is vast and often contradictory.  There are analyses that focus on Coriolanus’ abilities and actions as a military general and civilian leader, some in praise, others in disparagement. There are characterizations of Coriolanus as a fascist warmonger and a Leninist communist revolutionary.  There are Freudian analyses of Coriolanus as suffering from Oedipal problems with respect to his dominating mother and absent father, and as a repressed homosexual whose sexuality is perverted into violence.  There are laudations of him as a Nietzschean superman who is in fact above it all. There are also various interpretations of the plebians.  These include mob psychology analyses of the plebian crowds in the vein of Gustave Le Bon, Malthusian interpretations of the plebians as exemplifying overpopulation problems in Rome, and Social Darwinian interpretations of the Roman plebian as a useless underclass.

But there are two common factors in almost all these interpretations of the play.  One is that Coriolanus is seen as a tragic figure, a “man of war [who] cannot keep the peace,” but whose underlying soft-heartedness leads him to accede to his mother’s wishes and spare Rome in the end.[13]  The other is that the Roman plebians are seen as an irrational mob who are ignorant, gullible, and easily manipulated by the vile tribunes that supposedly represent them.[14]

The distinguished Shakespearean scholar Harold Goddard claimed, for example, that the way in which Coriolanus concedes to his mother’s wishes at the end of the play shows that he must have been a natural poet as a child.  Despite Coriolanus’ rough language and rude behavior, Goddard insists that “Coriolanus is all tenderness at the center.”  Goddard also dismissed the plebians as ignorant, gullible and fickle.[15]  I don’t agree.

Coriolanus as Comedy:  The Line Between Tragic Hero and Comic Fool.

I think that my contention that Coriolanus is best seen as a comedy can be illustrated by focusing on two scenes, the opening scene where Menenius confronts three plebian citizens with respect to the food shortage in Rome and the scene at the end of the play when Coriolanus accepts his mother’s plea to spare Rome from invasion.

The play opens with the entrance of a group of citizens armed with clubs and other rude weapons.  These are far less murderous than the swords and spears carried by patricians and their soldiers.  Emphasizing the collective nature of the group, only two of them are singled out as individuals by Shakespeare and they are called merely First Citizen and Second Citizen.  These two are the leaders of the group.  The First Citizen opens the play with three statements: “You are all resolved to die than to famish,” then “You know that Caius Martius [Coriolanus]is chief enemy to the people,” and then “Let us kill him, and then we’ll have corn at our own price.”  To each of these statements, the group shouts its approval.

The First Citizen then goes on to explain that they are threatening violence only because the patricians, led by Coriolanus, are hoarding corn and will sell it only at an exorbitant price.  The patricians are taking advantage of the plebians’ plight, the First Citizen claims, and “our sufferance is a gain to them.”  It is significant that the plebians are not demanding free corn or threatening to steal it.  They only want to be able to buy it at “our own price,” that is, a price they can afford.  And although they condemn Coriolanus as “a very dog to the commonalty,” they don’t want to kill him and propose to do so only because he is the chief obstacle to their gaining corn.  They are acting, they say, “in hunger for bread, not in thirst for revenge.”

The way that you read and play these opening lines spoken by the First Citizen are a key to your interpretation of the play.  Harold Goddard speaks for many critics in characterizing the First Citizen as “an egotistical, loud-mouthed, malicious, illogical troublemaker and knave.”[16]   And it is certainly possible to play these lines in that way.  You can merely have the actor say them with a sneer and a leer, have him wave a club around in a murderous way, and you’ve got a demagogue leading an irrational mob.  But, I think if you just look at the lines themselves, they are not the words of a demagogue, and the consent of the crowd to the First Citizen’s speech is not irrational.  The citizens merely want to buy bread because they and their families are hungry, and they need to eliminate the person who is keeping them from doing so.

No sooner has the First Citizen finished speaking than Menenius, who is the main spokesperson for the patricians and chief apologist for Coriolanus, enters to respond to the citizens.  He launches into a speech blaming the food shortage on the gods and defending the control of Rome’s grain by the patricians. He compares the patricians to the belly of the body politic that must take in all the food and then provide sustenance to the rest of the body as best meets the needs of the various body parts.

The argument is so ridiculous that even Goddard compares Menenius to the fool Polonius in Hamlet.  But Goddard and most critics claim that Menenius convinces the even stupider citizens.  Goddard says that the citizens “can only stammer in reply, ‘Ay, sir; well, well’” and stupidly ask “’How apply you this?’” and offer other seeming inanities.[17]  And you certainly can play Menenius as a well-intentioned fool and the citizens as ill-intentioned idiots taken in by his arguments, but I think if you just look at the lines, that is not the best way to play them.

On its face, Menenius’ speech is anything but well-intentioned toward the citizens, especially if you see it in the context of his later conversations with Coriolanus and others in which he expresses the deepest scorn and ill regard for the plebians.  Like Coriolanus, he would just as soon see them starve.  And I think that the citizens are anything but taken in by his arguments.  Their questions and monosyllabic responses should be seen as satirical rather than sincere, which Menenius eventually seems to realize and begins to insult them at the end of his speech.

As Menenius is beginning to insult the citizens, Coriolanus comes onto the scene and his first words to them, without anything having been said to him, are “What’s the matter you dissentious rogues?”  He goes on to call them “curs,” among other insults, and call for them all to be hanged.  At the end of the scene, a messenger comes to inform them all that the Volscians are on attack. Coriolanus rejoices that now “we shall ha’ means to vent our musty superfluity,” that is, rid Rome of troublesome citizens by having them killed by the Volscians in battle.  In this scene, Coriolanus does not look like a tragic hero who is going to fall from a height and suffer more than he deserves.  And Coriolanus, for whom threats are a stock-in-trade, keeps up this kind of over-the-top rhetoric, degrading others and elevating himself, throughout the play.

It is the plebian citizens who come off as the most reasonable people in this scene.  And despite Coriolanus’ implacable opposition to them, they later even grant him leniency when he is convicted of treason and faces execution.  In sum, although the citizens sometimes vacillate, and their tribune spokespersons play political games during the play, they are much more sympathetic characters than Coriolanus.

The scene at the end of the play in which Coriolanus agrees to spare Rome from invasion is almost invariably interpreted as a softening of his heart in response to the emotional appeal of his mother.  But I don’t think that is the best reading of the scene.  In this scene, Coriolanus, after refusing to see any of his Roman friends who want to plead with him to spare Rome, reluctantly accepts a visit from his wife, son, and mother.  He insists on seeing them in the presence of the Volscian commander, Aufidius, to show that he is not doing anything underhanded and to show off his strength of will against any pleas for him to change in his mind.

Through extensive entreaties from his mother, wife and son, Coriolanus stands firm in his intention to destroy Rome until his mother launches into one last-gasp appeal in which she grasps at one argument after another and then, as she is seemingly getting ready to leave in despair, hits on what seem to be the magic words.  “Come, let us go,” she says, and then pointing at Aufidius, continues “This fellow had a Volscian to his mother; His wife is in Corioles, his child like him by chance.  Yet give us our dispatch: I am hushed until our city is afire, and then I’ll speak a little.”  In a flash, Coriolanus changes his mind and decides to spare Rome.  Why?

The conventional view is that his pride is softened.  My view is that his pride is hardened, and that is why he changes his mind.  Coriolanus is a man who needs to see himself as superior to everyone else.  He has already been trying to assert his military superiority over his Volscian commander Aufidius, which has displeased Aufidius.  Now Coriolanus’ mother has implied that if he sacrifices his own mother, wife and child in the attack on Rome, he will be making a sacrifice in the service of Aufidius that Aufidius does not himself have to make.  He will be putting himself at a lower level than Aufidius.  It is this that Coriolanus cannot accept.

Although Coriolanus has already several times rejected his mother’s pleas, he tells Aufidius that she has convinced him, and that Rome will not be invaded.  He gives the order to his commander Aufidius.  He is the one taking charge.  And Aufidius has no choice but to agree.  Coriolanus seems to think he can get away with this because the Volscian soldiers in Aufidius’ army seem to respect and even revere Coriolanus more than they do Aufidius.  Coriolanus has previously turned traitor to Rome by joining the Volscians.  Now he turns traitor on the Volscians, but thinks he is above approach and reproach.  Aufidius, however, has had enough, connives with some assassins to have Coriolanus killed, and that is how the play ends.  Coriolanus falls, but from vain stupidity rather than tragic heroism, and this is the mark of a comedy, not a tragedy.

Trump, Coriolanus and the Present Danger.

Coriolanus is a play about power, politics, and pride.  These are three things that almost invariably go together, and that’s a problem.  It takes a good deal of vanity to seek political office in the first place and if you attain high office, that will itself reinforce your pride.  Then of course, you will likely be surrounded by sycophants and panderers who stoke your pride, plus you will be in a position to exercise power over people and society, and that will feed your pride even more.  It is a vicious cycle in which overweening power can result in overweening pride, and that is not a good thing for anyone.

Set in fifth century BCE Rome, Coriolanus speaks to issues that were relevant to people at that time and place but also to people in Shakespeare’s day and in ours today.  Two issues raised in the play stand out in particular: the resistance of people to change from a more individualistic to a more collectivistic society; and, the threat posed by would-be dictators who would take advantage of that resistance to change to gain absolute power.

Over the long course of history, societies have ebbed and flowed back and forth between more individualistic and more collectivistic social orders and power structures.  Writing today in the spring of 2018 in the United States, we are witnessing in this country and in many other countries around the world the resurgence of would-be authoritarians and autocrats.  These Trumps, Putins, et al are being aided and abetted by billionaires who stand to profit from their support of these would-be dictators.  Coriolanus can help us think about the perils of our situation in the United States in at least two ways, first, by comparing and contrasting Coriolanus with Donald Trump and, second, by comparing and contrasting our political systems with those of fifth century Rome and seventeenth century England.

Coriolanus and Trump have some key similarities.  Both are enormous egotists who think of themselves as above everyone else and above the law, and who try to bully everyone to get their way.  They both use a doomsday strategy in which they threaten total destruction to their opponents and even to their own societies in order to get their way.  Coriolanus threatens to hang the plebians who oppose him and to destroy Rome for having rejected him.  Trump routinely threatens to jail or otherwise destroy his opponents, and periodically threatens nuclear war.

Both also see themselves as the leaders of countries that have the might and therefore the right to rule over other countries.  Coriolanus represents a Rome that in the recent past had essentially been an organized criminal enterprise which routinely conquered and plundered neighboring societies.  In proclaiming a slogan of “America First,” Trump wants Americans to personally pursue their own selfish self-interests above all other considerations, as he always has.  But, he also wants the United States to use its power to extort concessions from other countries in a zero-sum game in which we get more of everything and they get less.

Coriolanus and Trump are also both bloviators.  Goddard claims that Coriolanus is merely a blunt speaker who is too honest to speak in euphemisms.[18]  But I think that in any objective review of Coriolanus’ language you have to conclude that this is a man who cannot or will not control himself so as to speak decently.  And I think that his speeches are best played comically as ludicrous.  Trump is, likewise, incapable of speaking of himself in other than platitudes and of others who disagree with him in other than insults.  He lives in a melodramatic world in which he and his supporters are the good guys and everyone else is a dangerous bad guy.  In Trump’s case, noxiousness is a matter of politics and policy as he tries to garner support by stoking fear and hate, and then showing he scorns the people his supporters fear and hate.  He is ludicrous but also very dangerous in sowing the seeds of bigotry, misogyny, and dissention.

Coriolanus and Trump are both fools, albeit dangerous fools. They are also both destined from the start to fail in the long run unless they bring about the destruction of their respective societies, which Coriolanus could have done if he had gone through with his plans to invade Rome and which Trump could do with a push of the nuclear button.  Coriolanus’ overreaching and overweening pride brought his career to an abrupt end.

Trump and his right-wing supporters will also, I think and hope, fall prey to demographic changes that will foil their plans to restore a nineteenth century regime of individualism, laissez-faire capitalism, and white peoples’ power in the United States.  The population of the country will soon be a majority minority, and young people are overwhelmingly more progressive than their nostalgic regressive elders.  Coriolanus represented the last-gasp of a heroic age as Rome evolved from monarchy to republic, and Trump represents a last-ditch effort of American right-wingers in their century-long battle to keep the nineteenth century from ending.

But the differences between Coriolanus and Trump are also important.  Coriolanus was completely honest, which even his fiercest opponents recognized and admired.  He would not lie or cheat.  In fact, I think Coriolanus was not so much honest as above dishonesty.  Trump is a chronic, almost compulsive, liar and a notorious cheater in business and probably in politics.  He has repeatedly bragged about his sharp business practices, and they may be a factor if he falls from grace as a result of investigations currently ongoing.

Coriolanus was also a brave warrior who repeatedly volunteered for military service and rushed to the most dangerous spots in the battle.  The down-side of this bravery was that he was essentially a thug at the head of a gang of thugs.  He was the guy who could whip everyone else in the gang and so he became their leader.  At the same time, Coriolanus also eschewed adulation and was immune to criticism.  He had a thick skin and he was above any need for praise, but the down-side of this is that he refused correction when he was wrong.  Trump was a draft dodger, and he is seemingly also a coward who has historically gotten others to fight his battles for him.  In turn, Trump lives for adulation and cannot stand criticism.  Trump is clearly a weaker person than Coriolanus, but not necessarily less dangerous for that very reason.

Shakespeare wrote many plays about tyrants and his art often imitated life.  In Coriolanus, he also suggested the potential solution to the problem of tyranny.  In the fifth century BCE, Rome was developing a split government of consuls, senate, tribunes, and popular assemblies, with different institutions representing different groups of people, each of which could check and balance the others, and which required the agreement of all of them to make the society work.  Similarly, in Shakespeare’s time, Parliament, with a patrician House of Lords and a bourgeois House of Commons, along with street demonstrations of the populace, were evolving to check and balance the King.  Things did not always work the way they should have, and both the Roman Republic and Stuart England suffered from repeated conflicts and civil wars.

In the United States today, we have institutions of divided government and separation of powers like those in the Roman Republic and Stuart England but, hopefully, more effective at keeping the peace while saving the country from authoritarians.  The division of powers between the federal government and the state governments and within the federal and various state governments ought to provide sufficient checks and balances on a would-be dictator if these institutions do what they are supposed to do.  In addition, we have a free press that did not exist in either Republican Rome or Stuart England and which provides another check on a potential autocrat.  Finally, we have a free theater which can remind us with plays such as Coriolanus of the dangers we face and the collective institutions we need to rely on to meet those dangers. With supports such as these, we can hopefully keep Trump and company from turning what is already bad enough as a dark comedy into a disastrous melodrama.

B.W.  5/18

Postscript: 2018 Stratford Ontario Festival Production.

A Shameful Production: Promoting authoritarianism.

I recently had the mixed pleasure of attending a performance of Coriolanus at the Stratford Festival.  The production was awesome.  The interpretation was awful.  Worse than awful, it was shameful.

Coriolanus is a play that features protests against the mistreatment of the lower classes, warnings about the rise of dictators, and arguments in favor of checks and balances in government.  These were developments in the sixth century BCE when Coriolanus lived and in early seventeenth century when Shakespeare lived.  And they are still critical issues today.  Shakespeare was clearly sympathetic with all three of these developments.  But you would not know that from the interpretation that has been given to the play at Stratford this year.

To the contrary, the play is staged as a glorification of the authoritarianism of Coriolanus. In an age of Trump, Putin, and other authoritarians and would-be dictators, how could the Stratford management let this be the interpretation of their play?

Awesome Staging: Now you see it, now you don’t.

The director Robert Lepage is a genius when it comes to staging the play and using lights and other technologies to enhance his production.  Just as one example that I can describe simply: He had Coriolanus get into a car on the stage and then drive through a series of landscapes, with the illusion of movement perfect.  The other illusions are too complicated for me to describe in a few words, but walls came and went with a change of light, people were in one place then another in a flash, stage sets moved from one place to another… I have no idea how he did these things, but they worked.  They were not just high-tech gimmickry aiming to distract and entertain.  The gimmicks added to the story.  It was the sort of thing you can imagine Shakespeare doing if he had had the technology.  Brilliant.

Awful Interpretation: Tragic or Fitting Death?

Lepage’s interpretation of the play is something else.  He has Coriolanus played as a man whose public persona is overly proud and harsh but who is actually humble and warmhearted underneath.  Coriolanus is played as a misunderstood hero whose disdain of the masses is justified and whose death results from a softhearted response to his mother’s pleas to spare Rome.  Lepage has the masses of people played as idiots and the tribunes as scoundrels.  He has Menenius played as a wise elder statesman rather than a long-winded fool.  These are very different than as I see them and as I have described in the essay above.

And Lepage has Coriolanus killed by one of Tullus’ men in a moment of anger rather than as a result of Tullus’ connivance as Shakespeare wrote it.  Lepage has Coriolanus’ death played as tragedy.  But I disagree.  I think Coriolanus got the death that he wanted as proof of his superiority as he would see it, and as proof to us of his overweening pride.

Coriolanus’ pose all along has been that of a man who is above everyone and everything.  He disdains praise because he considers himself above those who would praise him.  He disdains reward for his service because he will not demean himself to be seen as acting heroically for gain.  He even disdains the idea of public service because service implies he is beneath those whom he is serving.  When he agrees to spare Rome from the Volscian army, he is asserting his superiority over his commander Tullus.  And when Tullus has him killed, Tullus is effectively admitting that he is jealous of Coriolanus and that Coriolanus is his superior.

Earlier in the play, when Coriolanus first went over to the Volscians, he challenged Tullus to either accept him into the Volscian army or kill him.  Coriolanus was thereby challenging Tullus either to work with Coriolanus or to admit that Coriolanus was too big for Tullus to handle, that Coriolanus would outshine him. This is just what happened and is why Tullus had Coriolanus killed.  Shakespeare seems to be portraying this as a fitting death, not a tragic one, that confirmed Coriolanus’ pride and crowned his proudful life.  Coriolanus was a hero for another time but a harmful fool in his own.

B.W.  June 16, 2018

Footnotes:

[1] Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1954.

[2]Jared Diamond. The Third Chimpanzee: The Evolution and Future of the Human Animal.  New York: Harper Perennial, 1993. Pp. 220-221, 276-310.   David Sloane Wilson Evolution of Everyone. New York: Delacorte Press. 2007. Pp.51-57, 285.

[3]Aristotle. Poetics. New York: Hill & Wang, 1961. P.59. Kenneth Burke. Attitudes Toward History. Boston: Beacon Press. 1961. P. 41. Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.1954. Pp.82-100.

[4] Aristotle. Poetics. New York: Hill & Wang, 1961. Pp. 61, 81-86. Kenneth Burke. Attitudes Toward History. Boston: Beacon Press, 1961. Pp.37, 39.  Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1954. Pp.35, 172.

[5] Plutarch. “The Life of Coriolanus.”  The Parallel Lives. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966.

[6] H.R. Oliver. “Coriolanus As Tragic Hero.” Shakespeare Quarterly, 1959. P.53.

[7] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.209.

[8] Frank Kermode. The Age of Shakespeare.  New York: Modern Library, 2004. P.173.

[9] Scott Palmer. “Timely Tragedy.” Bag and Baggage Productions, 6/23/16.

[10] Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. P.244.

[11] Steve Hindle. “Imagining Insurrection in Seventeenth Century England: Representations of the Midland Uprising of 1607.” University of Warwick, 2018.

[12] Michael Wood. Shakespeare. New York: Basic Books, 2003. P.298.

[13] Jonathan Bate.  “Introduction.” Coriolanus. New York: Modern Library, 2011. P. VIII.  Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. P.244

[14]  Frank Kermode. The Age of Shakespeare.  New York: Modern Library, 2004. P 170.  Jonathan Bate.  “Introduction.” Coriolanus. New York: Modern Library, 2011. P.XII. Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. P.246. Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. Pp. 218, 232, 234.

[15] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.223.

[16] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.210.

[17] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.232.

[18] Harold Goddard.

“The Comedy of Errors” or the Errors of Comedy. Shakespeare does Saint Paul (the saint, not the city). What’s in your Conscience?

The Comedy of Errors or the Errors of Comedy.

Shakespeare does Saint Paul (the saint, not the city).

What’s in your Conscience?

Burton Weltman

“Wives be subject to your husbands…

Children obey your parents…

Slaves, obey your earthly masters with fear and trembling.”

Letter to Ephesians.  Saint Paul.   

 

1. Funny is a Point of View?

“Everything is funny as long as it is happening to somebody else.”  Will Rogers.

A play opens in what may be a courtroom.  A meek and mild elderly gentleman is addressing a stern-looking government official.  In the opening lines of the play, the old man says: “Proceed, Solinus, to procure my fall. And by the doom of death end woes and all.”  That is, the old man is telling the official, whose name is Solinus, to go ahead and execute him.

In succeeding lines, we learn that the scene is taking place in a city called Ephesus and that the condemned man is a merchant named Egeon who is from Syracuse.  Solinus is the ruling Duke of Ephesus.  In sentencing Egeon to death, Solinus explains that even though Egeon is innocent of harm to anyone, and may be a great guy to boot, the law does not permit any exceptions and “Excludes all pity from our threat’ning looks.”

Egeon’s crime?   Egeon is a Syracusan and Syracusans have been banned from Ephesus on penalty of death due to some ancient trade dispute.  Egeon has been traveling around looking for his long-lost son and innocently happened to land in Ephesus in that quest.  The only thing that can save Egeon’s life is the payment of a large sum of money that he does not have.  At the end of the scene, Egeon is taken away by the jailer to await his execution the next day.

The rest of the play takes place during this same day before Egeon’s scheduled execution.  The impending execution casts a pall over the whole of the play.  All else must be seen in light of Egeon’s desperate situation.  Or should.  Does this seem like the setup for what is usually performed as a light-hearted comedy?

2.  The Plot: What a Tangled Web We Weave.

“The laughter of man is more terrible than his tears, and takes more forms, hollow, heartless, mirthless, maniacal.”  James Thurber.

The play I am describing is Shakespeare’s The Comedy of Errors (hereafter Comedy).  Comedy is a very clever mishmash of misidentification and misdirection involving two sets of identical twins.  The backstory of Comedy is that Egeon and his wife had identical twin sons.  They bought two slaves for their sons who were themselves identical twin brothers.  The whole bunch of them were shipwrecked and Egeon lost his wife, one of his sons, and one of the slave boys.

Thereafter, Egeon renamed his remaining son and the remaining slave with the names of the lost son and slave, Antipholus and Dromio, respectively, and they grew up with him in Syracuse.  After many years passed, Egeon went in search of his lost son and Antipholus independently went off with his slave on the same quest for his lost brother.

As the play opens, Egeon and Antipholus have unbeknownst to each other coincidentally landed in Ephesus, where Egeon quickly ran afoul of the law.  Meanwhile, Antipholus and his slave went about the town and got into trouble of their own.  As it happened, the long-lost son and his slave had been washed ashore from the shipwreck in Ephesus, where the son grew up, married a woman named Adriana, and prospered.  His name, of course, is Antipholus and his slave is named Dromio.

The two sons of Egeon and the two slaves are still identical, and they bear the same names, so neither they nor anyone else can tell each from the other. The resulting confusion, as masters and slaves misidentify each other, the Ephesian wife of the long-lost brother mistakes his Syracusan twin for her husband, and various merchants and public officials mistake the twin masters and twin slaves for each other, is madcap.

But it is also brutal. In Shakespeare’s stage directions for the play, the slaves are beaten at least five times, and there are almost continual threats of more beatings, some of which could be taking place offstage.  The Ephesian brother repeatedly threatens violence against his wife and her maid.  He buys a rope with which to beat his wife and begins to do so before being stopped. Meanwhile, his wife makes threats against him, and she beats a quack healer.  Both brothers are variously assaulted, arrested and bound by law officers.  There is rough language and physical contact when the brothers are accosted by merchants for the payment of debts.  The Ephesian brother tries violently to break into a house (albeit, his own) while his Syracusan twin brandishes a sword and threatens to kill anyone who gets in his way.

The play is also full of oppression and repression, full of people kissing up and kicking down.  Higher-ups routinely oppress and repress their inferiors in the social hierarchy – masters against slaves, husbands against wives, wives against servants, government officials against citizens, citizens against foreigners.  Higher-ups frequently threaten and hit their subordinates for making mistakes.  In turn, the play is full of complaints by the oppressed slaves, wives and others against their oppressors.  Ephesus is not a happy or peaceful place.

In the end, Egeon and his two sons are reunited, as are the two slave brothers, and Egeon’s long-lost wife, whom no one seems to have been looking for, turns up as the abbess of an Ephesian priory.  In the last lines of the play, Egeon’s Ephesian son is seemingly going to come up with the money to save Egeon’s life.  A close call for Egeon, but a happy ending, and all is well that ends well.  But is it?

How are we supposed to take the violence and oppression in this play?  Is the play merely a slapstick farce in which the violence is of the Punch-and-Judy or Three Stooges type in which no one is really hurt and which we are, therefore, not supposed to take seriously?  Slapstick as a form of comedy was developed during the sixteenth century in Europe.  Shakespeare was aware of this comic form and used slapstick elements in many of his plays.  But maybe this is more than mere slapstick.  Maybe we are supposed to take the violence and oppression seriously, even if humorously?  Most interpreters think the former.  I opt for the latter.

3.  Conventional Interpretations: Full of Sound and Funny albeit Signifying Nothing.

“The shortest distance between two people is laughter.”  Victor Borge.

Comedy is almost invariably seen as a light-hearted slapstick farce.  Performed in this way, it can be hilarious.  The misidentifications are brilliantly crafted, and can be vehicles for wonderfully clownish performances, especially in the roles of the slaves.  The pending execution of Egeon is conveniently forgotten in this interpretation. That and other missteps in the script are attributed to the fact that Comedy is one of Shakespeare’s earliest plays and represents the level of his skill when he was still learning his stagecraft.  For detractors of the play, this is a flaw. For supporters, it is part of its charm.

Harold Goddard, a highly regarded Shakespearean scholar of the mid-twentieth century and a supporter of the play, conditioned his appreciation of Comedy on a distinction between comedy and farce.  Goddard contended that comedy is based on genuine conflicts among significant characters whereas farce is based on merely “manufacturing a misunderstanding and letting the audience in on it.”  Farce, he contended is “a cheap but infallible recipe for making a play.”  This, Goddard claimed, is what Shakespeare did in Comedy.  Despite its title, it was not really a comedy but merely a farce.  Nonetheless, while conceding that the play exemplifies “an inferior dramatic type,” and that its structure is mechanical with its characters mere “puppets,” Goddard still concluded that it is a wonderful example of “pure theater” and “a masterpiece of its kind.”[1]

Mark Van Doren, another highly regarded mid-twentieth century Shakespearean scholar, was not so sanguine.  While his analysis of the mechanics of the play was similar to Goddard’s, he differed with Goddard in his final judgment.  Van Doren belittled Comedy as an “unfeeling farce,” funny but with no emotional or intellectual depth.  It is a contrived comedy of “situation” made up of mechanical plot manipulations. The characters are, in turn, mere “marionettes” that are manipulated to cheap comic ends by the playwright and have little personality of their own.  Ephesus is, in turn, a silly “city of slapstick,” full of foolishness that signifies nothing.[2]

The contemporary Shakespearean scholar Michael Wood differs with both Goddard and Van Doren in his estimation of the structure of Comedy. Where they saw it as contrived and wooden, he says it “is very cleverly plotted” and “works a treat with its helter-skelter action.”  Wood’s final judgement is that the play is “brilliant” and that it shows Shakespeare “was becoming an expert at his craft.”[3]  So much for uniformity of opinion among Shakespearean scholars.

Except in one key respect.  While Goddard and Wood loved Comedy and Van Doren did not, each saw the play as a light-hearted comedy that we can laugh at with impunity.  I don’t agree.

4.  Saint Paul’s Challenge: To Have the Conscience of a Christian Conservative.

“Three things will last forever: faith, hope, and charity; and the greatest of these is charity.”    1 Corinthians 13:13.   Saint Paul.

Comedy is set in the city of Ephesus. Why Ephesus?  Of all the thousands of cities in the world, why did Shakespeare pick Ephesus?  Ephesus was in what is today Turkey.  It was an ancient city and an early center of Christianity.  It was where Saint Paul lived for several years and where he wrote some of his most important statements about Christian morality and, particularly, about the relations between those with and without power.[4] These statements include his paean to charity in 1 Corinthians.  He later addressed a letter on social relations to Christians in Ephesus, his Letter to Ephesians.  Although Ephesus had long been abandoned by Shakespeare’s time, Elizabethans would have known of the city and about Paul’s writings from and to the city.  And the themes of Paul’s Ephesus writings parallel those in Shakespeare’s play.

Paul was particularly concerned in his Ephesian preaching and writing to try to unite the followers of Jesus, and to eliminate the national and ethnic dissentions among them. He was also concerned to counter radicals among Christians who took literally Jesus’ rejection of wealth and who contended that Christians should live together in communistic equality as Jesus and his Apostles ostensibly had.  These radicals stoked class conflict between the rich and the poor and pitted Christians against each other, a situation that appalled Paul.

Instead of Jesus’ rejection of wealth, Paul focused on Jesus’ admonition to render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s and unto God what is God’s. Consistent with this dictum, he admonished those without earthly power to pay obeisance to those with earthly power, meaning that slaves should obey their masters, wives their husbands, children their parents.  Underlings in general should bow to their overlords.  At the same time, Paul insisted that those with power and wealth must treat with charity those who were without.  Citizens should treat foreigners with respect, husbands should respect their wives and children, rich people should care for the poor.

In his Letter to Ephesians, Paul implored the Ephesians to “be completely humble and gentle” toward each other and toward strangers, “keep the unity of the Spirit through the bond of peace,” and live together in peace and harmony. In 1 Corinthians, he proclaimed the supervening importance of charity above all things, especially for the rich and powerful.  Paul preached that the purpose of wealth was to give the rich an opportunity to practice charity toward the poor and for the poor to practice humility toward the rich.  If a rich man refuses to give alms to the poor, he is effectively stealing from the poor man and abusing one of God’s children.  If a poor man rejects his lowly status and aspires to be rich, he is effectively rejecting God’s social order.

Paul’s dicta became the heart of Catholic social doctrine during the Middle Ages.  It was a doctrine that we might call Christian conservatism.  People should faithfully occupy whatever stations in life God had placed them but should also help those in positions lower than themselves.  All people deserved respect and care as God’s creatures.  Some radical Christians even claimed that if a rich man refused alms to the poor, the poor man had the right to steal from him.  And some more extreme Christians resurrected the idea of Apostolic communistic equality.  These extremists were abominated by the Church and generally exterminated by the nobility.

Shakespeare lived at a time that we recognize as a major historical turning point when medieval European society was giving way to what we think of as modern society.  Medieval European society had been based on feudal ties of personal loyalty among powerful nobles and between lordly nobles and lowly serfs.  Medieval culture had been based around the teachings of the Catholic Church, which included the homilies of Saint Paul, Saint Thomas Aquinas and many others who insisted on the obeisance of underlings and the charity of overlords.

Modern European society was in Shakespeare’s time evolving toward a more impersonal basis, emphasizing contractual relations between people in which bargaining for the best deal replaced loyalty.[5]  Moral imperatives changed.  Self-help became the ideal rather than mutual support.  God now ostensibly helped people who helped themselves, and not people who could not productively contribute to society. Personal wealth was no longer seen as an opportunity to be charitable to poor individuals.  It was, instead, now considered an opportunity to generate more personal wealth from which society as a whole would ostensibly benefit in a trickle-down effect.

Charity and alms to the poor became widely considered a waste of good resources that could otherwise be used in productive investment.  This was a very different justification for the wealth of the rich than the previous doctrine of Christian charity.  Although many still held to the old doctrines, and there were radicals who still proclaimed a communistic doctrine of perfect equality, a morality of personal freedom was replacing an ethic of community obligations.

Shakespeare’s plays express an ambivalence between the medieval ideals of personal loyalty and communal obligations and the modern mantra of personal freedom, with even an occasional nod by him toward an ethic of equality.  For the most part, he seems to lean toward what we might today call a compassionate conservatism, someone who favored a social hierarchy but also fair treatment to all.  He generally portrays hierarchy in a positive light and radical social disrupters in the negative.  He portrays generous characters positively, greedy and excessively ambitious characters negatively.  He rejects disloyalty, disruption and disorder, and hates unreasonable and unruly mobs.  His ideal seems to be power leavened by conscience.  As such, Shakespeare seems to follow Saint Paul’s Ephesian principles, and Comedy can be seen as a dramatization of Paul’s strictures and a commentary on them

5.  An Alternative Interpretation: Guilty Laughter and a Mirror on Our Worse Selves.

“Laughter is nothing else but sudden glory arising from some sudden conception of some eminency in ourselves, by comparison with the infirmity of others.”  Thomas Hobbes.

While Comedy is almost invariably taken to be a light-hearted farce, I think that this is taking the play too lightly and that, instead, it should be seen as a serious-minded morality play dressed up as a farce.  It is a play that is intended to make us laugh but then ask ourselves what we are laughing about and whether we should be laughing.

This interpretation is supported both by the dialogue and action in the play and by the similarity of the play’s themes to the Ephesian teachings of Saint Paul.  The tension between obedience and social order on the one hand and charity and social justice on the other were at the core of Paul’s preaching from and to Ephesus.  They are also at the core of Comedy.

Each of the first three scenes of the play sets up a theme of social injustice, and a tension between obedience and fairness.  Each of these scenes opens with and focuses on a form of social oppression, first against Christian foreigners, then against slaves, and finally against women. Each also contains some very eloquent complaints by the oppressed against their repressive conditions.  The play thereafter repeatedly portrays these conflicts through the dialogue and interaction of the characters.  It is the sort of behavior that provoked Saint Paul’s Letter to Ephesians and that he hoped to counter with an appeal to Christian charity.

In the first scene, as we have already seen, Egeon is condemned to death in a most cruel fashion.  His pleas of innocence and extenuating circumstances are coldly met with rejection.  The Duke’s parting words to Egeon that “Thou art doomed to die. Jailer, take him to thy custody,” are chilling.  Egeon closes the scene lamenting “Hopeless and helpless doth Egeon wend. But to procrastinate his lifeless end.”  Saint Paul would almost certainly have condemned the laws of Ephesus as they appear in this play and the behavior of Ephesians towards Syracusans like Egeon as uncharitable and un-Christian, and Shakespeare’s audience would likely have agreed.

In the opening lines of the second scene, immediately after we have seen Egeon unfairly condemned to death, his son the Syracusan brother, having no idea what has just happened to his father, gives money to his Syracusan slave and orders him to undertake some tasks.  The brother finishes his orders with a harsh and imperious “Get thee away.” The Syracusan slave responds to his master’s harsh tone in an aside in which he says “Many a man would take you at your word and go indeed, having so good a mean [opportunity].”  That is, the slave indicates he is so badly treated, he really ought to take literally his master’s orders to go away, take the money and run.

The slave grumpily decides not to run off, but his master, having no idea or interest in what the slave is thinking or feeling, then says to a nearby colleague that the slave is “A trusty villain [slave]” and often “Lightens my humour with his merry jests.”  The master ignorantly and stupidly thinks the slave is devoted to him and happy with his lowly position in life.

This interchange is reminiscent of the history of slavery in nineteenth century America.  Slaves in the antebellum South would be seen by their masters singing and jesting, and the masters would conclude that the slaves were happy with their lot.  In reality, the slaves were frequently singing and joking about their hardships and their longing for freedom.  The song “Go Down Moses” was, for example, a plea for a modern-day leader to help them escape, not merely a religious devotional.

The rest of this second scene consists of misunderstandings between the Syracusan brother and the Ephesian slave.  The Syracusan brother thinks the Ephesian slave is his Syracusan slave, while the Ephesian slave thinks the Syracusan brother is his Ephesian master. These misunderstandings end with the Syracusan brother beating the Ephesian slave.  That is, instead of the Syracusan master asking what would seem to be some obvious questions to the slave that might have revealed the truth of the situation, the master resorts to the violence that is inherent in master-slave relationships and beats the slave.  In sum, as with the opening scene in which Egeon is condemned, Shakespeare has in the opening of this second scene set up a theme of social injustice and social conflict of the sort addressed by Saint Paul in his Letter to Ephesians.

In the opening of the very next scene, the first scene of the second act, Shakespeare sets up yet another social justice theme, that of the unfeeling domination of husbands over their wives.  In this scene, Adriana, the Ephesian brother’s wife, launches a powerful attack on the injustices of marriage.  Her husband, the Ephesian brother, is late for his dinner which she has taken great pains to prepare on time.

When Adriana complains of this to her unmarried sister, the sister sanctimoniously says that “A man is master of his liberty,” and that husbands can come and go as they please. In essence, she tells Adriana that she should just like it or lump it.  Adriana replies “Why should their liberty than ours be more?”  The sister responds that Adriana’s husband “is the bridle of your will,” to which Adriana retorts “There’s none but asses will be bridled so.”

Adriana charges her sister with hypocrisy because while the sister preaches that wives should pay obeisance to their husbands’ whims, she is herself unwed.  “This servitude makes you to keep unwed,” Adriana claims.  She says it’s easy for her sister to preach the virtue of patience because “thou, that hast no unkind mate to grieve thee.”  A spinster has no right to counsel a wife to be obedient to her husband when the spinster has no husband to limit her own freedom.  Adriana then proceeds to beat her husband’s slave for failing to bring her husband home with him for dinner, an example of the kicking down that occurs in the play.

An irony of the oppressive conditions portrayed in these scenes is that the slaves do not revolt or run away and the wife accepts her husband back.  The oppressed are not liberated in this play.  At most, they get back at their oppressors through smart retorts.  They return physical abuse with verbal abuse, often such that their oppressors don’t understand they have been insulted.  And that seems to be the point.

It has long been noted that as part of the master-slave relationship slaves often identify with their masters and establish their own identities in connection with their masters.  In turn, masters establish their identities as a reflection of their slaves.  Neither can see himself or do without the other.  We can see that exemplified in Comedy both in the way the oppressed stick with their oppressors but also in the way the oppressors accept a fair degree of insubordination from their underlings.  The oppressed are not content but their ability to respond and rebel is limited mostly to repartee and to subtly making fun of their masters.  It is this repartee by the slaves and Adriana that is, I think, the real humor and fun in the play.

6.  Talking the Walk and Walking the Talk: You Talkin’ to Me?

“The human race has one really effective weapon, and that is laughter.”  Mark Twain.

Comedy consists mostly of dialogue between people who are misidentifying each other and communicating at cross purposes with each other.  The conventional way to play this dialogue is as light-hearted almost giddy repartee in which each party gives as good as he or she gets as though they are almost equals.  But there is another way this can be played that better recognizes the power differences between the characters.  In particular, the speeches by the underlings can be better played as either timorously trying to court the favor of their superiors through humor, or passive-aggressively getting back at their superiors through subtly disguised insult.

For example, in the second scene described above, the Syracusan brother mistakes the Ephesian slave as his own slave to whom he had given a thousand marks of money.  When the Syracusan brother asks the Ephesian slave to give him his marks, the slave is nonplussed, thinking he is being addressed by his Ephesian master who has not given him any money. The Ephesian slave responds to the man he thinks is his master as follows: “I have some marks of yours upon my pate, some of my mistress’ marks upon my shoulders, but not a thousand marks between you both.  If I should pay your worship those again, perchance you will not bear them patiently.”  That is, the slave is saying that he is often beaten by his master and mistress, he has marks on his body to prove it, and he is wishing to be able to inflict similar punishment on his master, if that is what his master is insisting that he do.

This response is a subversive form of verbal rebellion couched in a submissive phraseology.  It would have been hard for his Ephesian master to object to the subtle tone of this response.  Since, however, it is the Syracusan brother whom the slave is addressing, not the Ephesian brother, and the Syracusan brother thinks he is being addressed by his own Syracusan slave to whom he has given a substantial amount of money, the Syracusan brother responds by beating the Ephesian slave.  As previously noted, a few simple questions by the Syracusan brother could have cleared the whole thing up, and possibly ended the play.  But he responds as an imperious master and not as a good Christian as Paul would have him do.  The play is full of this sort of interchange in which the slaves and women get the better of the verbal joust but the masters are able to impose their physical and legal will on the underlings.

The subversive humor of the slaves in the play is similar to that of the slaves in the antebellum American South.  Humor was a weapon against despair.  Laughing was an alternative to crying and a creative way to do good in the world, to create joy out of suffering.  Making fun of oneself was a way of taking some of the sting out of one’s humiliation by putting into one’s humor.  Humor could even turn humiliation into humility, a cardinal Christian virtue.  And humor was a way of sticking it to the masters without their knowing.  It was a subversive way for the last to become first.[6]

Although Shakespeare generally seems in this play to be a conservative supporter of social hierarchy, the play ends in a most subversive way.  It closes with everyone disclosed as who they really are, and all seemingly reconciled with each other. The characters then leave the stage, seemingly in order of their social rank, to have dinner. In the last words and action of the play, the two slave brothers, the lowliest and therefore the last to go, debate who should precede the other as they leave.  Since they are identical twins, neither is the elder who would deserve precedence. They first think of picking cards to see who goes first, but then decide to go in together, side by side. “We came into the world like brother and brother. And now let’s go hand in hand, not one before another.”

This last statement is perhaps the most radical and telling in the play.  It is effectively an assertion of human equality and, implicitly, a rejection of the hierarchical views expressed in Saint Paul’s dictum on social inequality.  As I see this scene playing out, all of the other characters are very careful to exit in order of their social rank, with a good deal of sorting out amongst them before they march off.  They are very concerned to get the social hierarchy just right.  The two slaves then, instead of leaving according to some hierarchical ranking system, insist on going forward on the basis of equality.  So, is Shakespeare implying that we all come into the world as brothers and should proceed thereafter as equals?  Was he leaving his audience something really radical to think about?

7.  Grimm and Grimmer: A Mirror on our Better and Worse Selves?

“Perhaps I know best why it is man alone who laughs; he alone suffers so deeply that he had to invent laughter.”  Friedrich Nietzsche.

I am writing this essay in the spring of 2018.  These are grim times for most of us in the United States and in much of the world.  If people want to seek escape in light-hearted comedies, I have no problem with that and I do it myself.  So, I don’t want to be a spoil-sport or unnecessarily hard-hearted in my analysis of Comedy.  But neither do I want to participate in sugar-coating brutality and oppression, which is what I think is done in conventional interpretations of the play.  To do so is to encourage callousness and indifference to the suffering of others.  Drama is supposed to encourage us to empathize with others, not be insensitive.

It has been said that comedy is like a mirror of society.  It is a good indication of who we are and where we are going.  In my observation and experience, there has been a tendency in recent years to Disney-ize Shakespeare’s comedies, that is, to take the sting out of them the way Walt Disney took the sting out of the Grimm Brothers’ fairy-tales.  There has also been a tendency to Rambo-ize some of the tragedies, that is, to emphasize and romanticize the fighting and pyrotechnics.  These are seemingly well-intentioned efforts to attract a new and younger audience to see Shakespeare.  But I think these efforts have unintended negative consequences and are essentially a reflection of our worse selves.

Playing Comedy as a light-hearted slapstick farce falls into the trap of laughing at the cruelty done to others which is not, I think, where most of us want to be or be going.  The question is whether one can play Comedy truthfully but also hopefully, seriously but also comically?  I think one can.  The key, as I have indicated above, is the way in which one approaches and plays the dialogues between overlords and underlings, and how one stages their physical interactions.

The overlords, that is, the masters, husbands, and male government officials, should be played as lordly and imperious.  The underlings, that is, the slaves, women, and commoners, should be played as clearly subservient and either timorously seeking favor or slyly seeking verbal revenge.  The underlings should demonstrate resentment in gestures unseen by their overlords, and in the tone of their voices, even when they relent to the commands of their overlords.

The overlords should literally walk over the underlings, not only through beating and pushing them around, but also through expecting them to jump out of the way, similar to the way white Southerners in the United States expected (and some still do) blacks to cower and duck when a white person walked by.  I think that these interactions can still be funny but only from the point of view of the underlings.  It is their reactions and coping mechanisms that should provide the humor, not their humiliation.

And the plight of Egeon should not be forgotten.  He should be kept visible somewhere in the back of the stage throughout the play, in chains and isolated in some sort of a cell.  The overriding cruelty of the situation in Ephesus should not be overlooked.  He could act as a silent witness, commenting on his own desperate situation and on the action in gestures to the audience that the other characters cannot see.  His gesturing can be both comic and pathetic.  That would make his situation both part of the humor but also part of the morality of the story.

Comedy comes in many different forms but one element that is common to virtually all comedy is the foolishness of at least one of the characters in the story.  It is the errors of fools that produce the plot-line and the laughter.  One of the key questions about a comedy is whether the audience is laughing at or laughing with the foolish characters.  If the audience is laughing at the characters, the comedy may promote the vanity of the members of the audience, setting us up as beings who can see ourselves as superior to the fools.  The philosopher Thomas Hobbes, a younger contemporary of Shakespeare, held that laughter was a function of rejoicing at our own successes and the failures of others.  Comedy was, for him, laughing at others.

Most Elizabethan comedy was of this Hobbesian sort, as essentially a form of cruelty.  Hobbes saw the world in what we would call zero-sum terms in which my laughter is a function of my winning and your losing.  Some of Shakespeare’s comedies and some of the comic characters in his tragedies include cruel humor of this sort.  I think, however, that Shakespeare’s Comedy is more an example of laughing with rather than at the fools.

If an audience is laughing with the characters, comedy can serve as a means of self-criticism or humbling for the audience, holding us up to a mirror for self-examination.  In empathizing and identifying with the losers in the play, we can open ourselves to the idea that ‘There but for the grace of God go I” that Saint Paul was trying to instill in the Ephesians of his day.

Comedy should be played in such a way that the humor results from the self-awareness of the underlings, from their comic self-deprecating remarks and their verbal take-downs of the overlords.  Mark Twain has said that humor is the ultimate weapon, and that it is a weapon of necessity for the oppressed both against their own feelings of helplessness and against the arrogance of their oppressors.  This is what one can see in Comedy.  The young Shakespeare may have lacked subtlety in the mechanics of his play, but he did not lack nuance in its themes.

The title of the play, The Comedy of Errors, can itself be seen as a self-deprecating redundancy.  A comedy is by definition a tale triggered by errors.  Errors, fools, and foolishness are what comedy is all about. It is the source of the plot and the humor.  So, to call something a comedy of errors is effectively to say it is a comedy of comedy or an error of errors.  Such a title is either foolishness in itself or implies there is something erroneous about calling the play a comedy.  It may imply that the play is in the form of a comedy but may not be funny after all.  Shakespeare seems to be making fun of himself in the titling of his play.  And he may be telling us that we can laugh at the humor in Comedy, but not without some discomfort and concern for why we are laughing.  That is the moral and morality of the play.

B.W.  5/18

Postscript: 2018 Stratford Ontario Festival Production.

Silly instead of Satirical:

I recently attended a performance of The Comedy of Errors at the Stratford Festival.  It was very well staged, with an excellent cast of comic character actors.  But it was for the most part just a silly slapstick farce and failed to take advantage of the opportunities for social satire and social criticism that I have suggested in the essay above.

This failure is particularly disappointing since the director has made some very interesting changes in the genders of some of the characters.  He has one set of Antipholus and Dromio as men and the other set as women.  He has the Duke dressed in woman’s clothes and the courtesan is a transvestite.  These changes work well with the play and they could provide support for an interpretation that focused on the mistreatment of women, slaves and foreigners in the play.

                                                                                                                                    B.W.  6/12/18

Footnotes:

[1] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. Pp.23,26-27.

[2] Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review of Books, 2005. Pp.33-36.

[3] Michael Wood. Shakespeare. New York: Basic Books, 2003. P.156.

[4] On Saint Paul’s social and moral ideas, see What Paul Meant by Garry Wills. New York: Viking Press, 2006.

[5] For a brilliant analysis of Comedy as a clash between medieval and modern legal norms, see Eric Heinze. “’Were it not against our laws’: oppression and resistance in Shakespeare’s Comedy of Errors.” Legal Studies. Vol.29. Issue 2. 4/8/09.

[6] See the brilliant discussion of slave culture and humor in Eugene Genovese. Roll Jordan Roll: The World the Slaves Made. New York: Vintage Books, 1976.

Hope for humanity in Stoppard’s “Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead.” Just how dead are they? A fateful misstep need not be a fatal mistake.

Hope for humanity in Stoppard’s Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead.

Just how dead are they?  A fateful misstep need not be a fatal mistake.

 Burton Weltman

 “We cannot choose our circumstances,

but we can always choose how we respond to them.”

Epictetus.

 

1.Prologue: Existentialist Nightmares.

“We are our choices.”   Jean Paul Sartre.

We have all had this nightmare.  You are trapped in a scary place that you can’t get out of, or you are being chased by someone or something that you can’t get away from.  You almost get free, but then not.  You are baffled and can’t figure out what to do.  But, just before you are done in by whatever is threatening you, you wake up, shaking, but free of the danger.

That is essentially the experience of two minor characters from Hamlet as they are portrayed in Tom Stoppard’s comic play Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead.  Caught in what appears to them, and to us in the audience, as a nightmare, they stumble about, futilely trying to figure out what is going on, and how to get out of whatever it is.  The dreamlike quality of their existence is exemplified by their frequent inability to remember things, including the events of their own lives before they were caught up in Hamlet’s story.  They also repeatedly find themselves in scenes of Hamlet and not remembering how they got there.  It is like a nightmare.  Only they don’t wake up.  And they are done in at the end.[1]

Rosencrantz and Guildenstern is a play set inside another play, Hamlet, and it runs in tandem with the other play.  Whatever happens in Rosencrantz and Guildenstern is bounded and limited by what happened in Hamlet.  That is, nothing can occur in Rosencrantz and Guildenstern that would conflict with or contradict the script of Hamlet.  Rosencrantz and Guildenstern must work out their own fates within the confines of Hamlet’s tragedy.

Stoppard is generally considered to be an existentialist playwright.  Existentialism is generally considered to be a philosophy of choices.  In Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, Stoppard has created a situation of severely constricted choices.  He has, thereby, pushed the existential situation to its extremes.  Since Hamlet ends with an announcement of the deaths of Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, we the audience watch the humorous antics of the two bumbling characters in Stoppard’s play with muted horror because we already know the ending of Hamlet.  But we still hope against hope that they will wake up to their situation and escape what seems to be their fatal fate.  They don’t wake up from their nightmare and they don’t escape, but could they have?  I think this is the crucial question of the play.

Were there options that Rosencrantz and Guildenstern could have taken within the confines of Hamlet that would have allowed them to survive, despite the announcement of their deaths at the end of that play?  Were there choices that Stoppard could have had them make that would have enabled them to survive, despite being constrained by the terms of Hamlet.  I say “Yes,” there were.  They could have survived, and that is the main point of Stoppard’s play.

2.The Plot: Such as it is.

“Man is conditioned to be free; because once thrown into the world, he is responsible for everything he does.”  Jean Paul Sartre.

Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are two young Danes, apparently Prince Hamlet’s childhood friends and classmates at Wittenberg University in Germany.  They have been summoned by the newly installed Danish King Claudius to the King’s castle to spy on Hamlet.  Hamlet has recently returned from Germany to attend the funeral of his father, the late King Hamlet.  Prince Hamlet is behaving in suspicious ways, which is of concern to the new King since he had secretly murdered Hamlet’s father in order to gain the throne, and he would not want the Prince digging up the dirt on him.  Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, seeming to have no real option but to obey the command of their King, agree to watch Hamlet and report on him.

The two characters spend the rest of their own play, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, wandering around inside Hamlet’s play.  They show up at key dramatic moments of Hamlet, openly appearing in the action of Hamlet where they have been written into the script of that play, secretly behind the scenes of Hamlet where they are not in the Hamlet script.  They observe the action in Hamlet, but play no active role in the course of either Hamlet or Rosencrantz and Guildenstern.  They are passive actors in both plays.  But, although Rosencrantz and Guildenstern were by the terms of their play unable to alter the course of Hamlet’s play, that does not mean they were without options and choices.

3. A story inside a story: An existentialist dilemma.

“I rebel; therefore, I exist.” The Myth of Sisyphus Albert Camus.

Every story, whether factual or fictional, begins with some sort of “Once upon a time” scenario.  “Once upon a time” creates the existential situation within which the characters in the story will make their way.  It provides the background and the setup of the story, that is, the status quo from which the story proceeds.  The story’s plotline will then disrupt the status quo – that is the gist of the story – and the story will generally end with some new ordering of things.

The opening is critically important to a story because the opening usually portends the story’s ending.  The setup of a story generally indicates who and what is important, and inclines events in a certain direction.  The options allowed to the characters, and the existential choices they can make, are defined and constrained by the opening setup.  It is like setting up a debate.  Whoever gets to set the terms of the debate is most likely to win, and if you join the debate on someone else’s terms, you are most likely to lose.

It is often the case in a fictional story that if you are not there at the beginning, you are likely to meet a bad end.  That is one of the problems facing Rosencrantz and Guildenstern in their play.  They are there at the beginning of their own play, but they are almost an afterthought in Hamlet’s story and, as such, they were expendable to Hamlet.  But that does not mean they weren’t important to themselves, or that they were expendable to the play Rosencrantz and Guildenstern.

Tom Stoppard did something quite unusual in this play, for which there isn’t even a name.  He told a story about two minor characters in Hamlet, and did so within the confines of that play.  It is a story inside a story, which is different than a play within a play, such as the one Shakespeare included in Hamlet.  The play within Hamlet was part of the plot.  It was a device used by young Hamlet to further his goal of unmasking Claudius as a murderer.  But Stoppard’s play is not part of the plot of Hamlet.  It occurs in, but is not of, Hamlet.  

It is not uncommon for an author to piggyback his work onto an existing popular story, either a story by another author or by him/herself.  This can be done in a variety of ways.  There are prequels that tell the backstory of the original work; interquels that fill in happenings taking place between events in the original story; sidequels that tell of things taking place at the same time as the original story; and sequels that tell of what happened after the end of the story.

In the case of Hamlet, a prequel might have described young Hamlet’s childhood. An interquel might have described what Laertes did while he was away from Denmark during the middle of the play.  A sidequel might have described what Fortinbras was doing before he appeared at the end of the playAnd a sequel might have described what happened in Denmark after all the main characters in the play were dead and Fortinbras had taken over.  In composing each of these types of “quels,” an author must be consistent with the original story, but he/she is essentially operating outside of that story and has a good deal of latitude in composing his/her own plot.

But Stoppard did something else.  He placed his story directly inside the story of Hamlet and, thereby, narrowly limited the scope of his invention and his characters’ options.  His two main characters must repeatedly come up to the mark of their roles in Hamlet.  Whatever they do or wherever they go, they must be back to make their scheduled appearances in Hamlet, and nothing they do can conflict with their roles in that play.

But that does not mean that Stoppard had no latitude within which to play, or that his characters could not act on their own behalf in their own play.  There was wiggle room in Hamlet within which he could create and they could react.  So, how could Rosencrantz and Guildenstern have escaped their seemingly fated deaths, and why didn’t they?

4. Free Will, Determinism, and Compatibilism: Finding Existential Wiggle Room.

“Freedom is what we do with what has been done to us.”   Jean Paul Sartre.

Rosencrantz and Guildenstern is a philosophic play that raises many questions, including questions about whether people are capable of willing freely what they choose, or are bound by deterministic chains of cause and effect.  Most critics claim that the play is intended to illustrate the randomness of the universe as it appears to us and the determinism of the universe as it is in reality.  The play, they say, emphasizes the contradiction between the way in which we experience the world as freedom and the way in which the world really is.

Stoppard, these critics argue, portrays Rosencrantz and Guildenstern as “moving towards an inescapable fate,” despite what they experience as “the randomness of life.”  The two characters are chronically befuddled, and have no real options or choices.[2]  The play shows people “at the mercy of external forces,” and “unable to make any significant choices.”[3]  It is “a play about the tricks of fate” which render Rosencrantz and Guildenstern “incapable of helping themselves,” and make them symbols of  a helpless and hopeless humanity.[4]  In this view, Stoppard portrays the world as “absurd” and “uncertain,” and the “hapless” Rosencrantz and Guildenstern exemplify humanity’s inability to make significant choices and take meaningful action.[5]  In sum, the moral of the story is the futility of free will and the fatality of determinism.

In support of this reading, critics point to views in the play expressed by the Player and seconded by Guildenstern.  Stoppard identifies the Player as the chief of the actors hired by Hamlet to enact the play within his play.  These actors play a small role in Hamlet but a big role in Rosencrantz and Guildenstern.  Much of Rosencrantz and Guildenstern consists of discussions between Rosencrantz, Guildenstern and the Player about life and living.  Consistent with his vocation as an actor, the Player holds that all of life is scripted for us, and that our role in life is to follow the script.  “We have no control,” he declaims. “Wheels have been set in motion,” and “Events must play themselves out,” he insists.[6]

The Player’s is essentially a deterministic view of life.  It is a view, however, that relegates most of us to playing subordinate roles in scripts written by and for others, putting ourselves in the service of others, and without any say-so.  The actors in the Player’s troupe are, in fact, willing to perform any script and any action for anyone.  They don’t even need to be paid money.  They merely need an audience.  Significantly, they apparently moonlight as male prostitutes.  Guildenstern buys into the Player’s rationale, and it is on this basis he and Rosencrantz act.

Many critics claim that Rosencrantz and Guildenstern represent anti-existentialist characters because they repeatedly refuse to choose, and just meander along within Hamlet’s play.  The play, in this view, is a refutation of existentialism.  But that is not accurate.  Existentialism claims that we cannot refuse to choose.  We are choosing all the time, even when we refuse to choose.  Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, and especially Guildenstern, may not want to choose, but they are choosing anyway.

While the setup of the play mitigates against the idea of free will – Rosencrantz and Guildenstern must perform their roles in Hamlet and are not free to choose otherwise – there is a third way of looking at the human condition that encompasses both free will and determinism.  And it is a way that is consistent with the existentialist point of view with which Stoppard is usually associated.  It is called compatibilism, and I think it is what the play is mainly about.  Compatibilism proposes that “My action is free, because the event which immediately precedes it is an act of will; it is necessitated because it comes at the end of a series each of whose items is a necessary consequence of its predecessor.”[7]

That is, in retrospect, we can look at a result and see how a chain of causes and effects led to the result.  But, we can also see the choices that were made in creating that chain of events, and we can see that if different choices had been made, the chain would have been changed and the result would have been different.  In turn, we can prospectively see the options we have and choices we must make, which will be the beginning of another chain of events.  We have free will, but it operates within the constraints of our context which consists of chains of events that we cannot change.  For Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, their context is the play Hamlet, but they are free to move about within the constraints of that play.

Compatibilism essentially encompasses what existentialists describe as the facticity and anxiety of the human situation.  The facticity is that we find ourselves in a universe that we didn’t make or choose, that we don’t control, and that is essentially indifferent to our existence.  The anxiety stems from the fact that we must choose what to do, and how to make our way.  Refusing to choose, which we are free to do, is still choosing.  And we can’t make choices or make our way on our own.  We must do what we can with what we have, and do it with others.  Others are part of our context.  The stories of our lives are inevitably intertwined with others, and we can do nothing without the cooperation of others.

“I’ll let you be in my dream if you’ll let me be in yours,” intones Bob Dylan in a song about surviving the nightmare of nuclear war.  No one’s survival is secure without the survival of the others.[8]  Hamlet tried to compose and enact his story on his own, not trusting to include even his best friend Horatio in his plans, and Hamlet failed badly.  His story became a bloody nightmare that none of the principles escaped.  If only he had confided to Horatio about his interactions with the Ghost, the play may have ended very differently, and he might have survived.  So might have Ophelia, Polonius, and Laertes, who were innocent bystanders to Hamlet’s story, as were Rosencrantz and Guildenstern.  Rosencrantz and Guildenstern made a similar choice to spin out their tale on their own, without confiding in Hamlet or anyone else, and they, too, did not survive.  But they could have.

5. In for a penny, in for a pounding: Rationale vs. Rationalization.

“Try again.  Fail again.  Fail better.” Samuel Beckett.

Literature is full of twosome heroes and heroines.  The pairs can take different forms and serve different functions within the stories in which they appear.  Sometimes, as with Sherlock Holmes and Doctor Watson, the dominant character is the smarter of the two and comes up with the answers to their problems.  Other times, as with Don Quixote and Sancho Panza, it is the subordinate character who is smarter and has the answers.  Quixote is a scholar while Panza is illiterate, but Quixote is also a fool and Panza is clever.  In the play Waiting for Godot, to which Rosencrantz and Guildenstern is often compared, the dominant character, Vladimir, is the more intellectual of the two.  He frequently philosophizes and rationalizes about the predicament in which he and his sidekick, Estragon, find themselves.  And his conclusions generally help.  So, the two of them are able to work through their crises, and make their situation bearable.[9]

In Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, the dominant character, Guildenstern, is the more intellectual of the two, but his rationalizations of their situation only lead the two of them into deeper trouble.  Rosencrantz is intellectually feeble, but intuitively a genius.  In the 1990 movie version of the play, which was directed by Stoppard, Rosencrantz repeatedly stumbles into inventing all sorts of modern devices.  He also repeatedly tells Guildenstern that something is dreadfully wrong with the situation they are in and that they should get out of there fast.  Guildenstern, however, dismisses Rosencrantz’s inventions in the movie as silly and, in both the movie and in the script for the play, he dismisses Rosencrantz’s rationales for leaving as foolish.  Guildenstern, instead, constructs rationalizations for their staying the course.  So, they stay.

Guildenstern’s rationalizations essentially take the form of what in scientific circles during Shakespeare’s time were known as “saving the appearances.”  “Saving the appearances” was a phrase that from ancient times through the seventeenth century was applied to the attempts of astronomers to make sense of the geo-centered Ptolemaic model of the universe.  The Ptolemaic model put the Earth at the center of the universe and portrayed the other planets and the stars as revolving around the Earth.  Over the course of the centuries, however, astronomers discovered new planets and stars that did not fit within the original geo-centered model.  So, they adduced increasingly weird orbits for these planets and stars – epicycles and other wrinkles – in order to save the appearances of the model.  It was a brilliant construction that occupied some of the best minds for two millenniums, but it became very complicated and convoluted.

The Ptolemaic system was finally rejected by Copernicus and his followers during the sixteenth century in favor of a simpler helio-centric model that encompassed all of the observations of the planets and stars without all of the complications of the geo-centered model.  Conservatives, including the Catholic Church, resisted the new model on the grounds that it demoted the place of humanity within God’s creation and conflicted with passages in the Bible.  For the Catholic Church of that time, science was supposed to serve dogma, and facts were supposed to be massaged to uphold what was considered Gospel.  Willingness to go along with saving the appearances in astronomy and other scientific fields became a life and death issue for scientists in some Catholic countries, as Galileo, among others, found out.[10]

The Copernican system was, however, readily accepted in Protestant countries such as Shakespeare’s England, where the practice of saving the appearances of preconceived notions through rationalizing away inconsistent evidence was rejected by empiricists such as Frances Bacon.  For many Protestants, science was a means of discovering God’s word as it was embodied in the physical universe.  So, facts mattered, even in the study of alchemy, magic and ghosts, which were important subjects of study for scientists such as Bacon and, later, Newton.  And theories must conform to the facts.

The conflict between facts and preconceived notions, and the problems that arise when people try to save the appearances of preconceived notions, is a theme in many of Shakespeare’s plays.  This includes Hamlet, as when Hamlet adjures Horatio that “There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, than are dreamt of in your philosophy.”  Facts count, Shakespeare repeatedly emphasizes, even if they don’t fit our cherished theories.  The problem with trying to save the appearances is also a main theme in Stoppard’s plays, as exemplified in Rosencrantz and Guildenstern by Guildenstern’s rationalizations of his and Rosencrantz’s situation.

Guildenstern seems unable to think outside the box, to use the current terminology for the problem of trying to save appearances.  He has been caught up within the Hamlet story and cannot think his way out.  He is brilliant and knowledgeable, but terminally narrow-minded.  “We are presented with alternatives,” he intones, “But not choice.”  “We’ve been caught up” in Hamlet’s story, he explains, and “there is a logic at work.”  So, he concludes, he and Rosencrantz should just relax and “be taken in hand and led, like being a child again.”[11]

Rosencrantz is slow-witted and ignorant, and doesn’t even seem to know there is a box.  But that enables him to be inventive (look at all the things he unwittingly contrives) and intuitive.  He can think outside the story, and can think pragmatically rather than dogmatically.  He knows trouble when he senses it.  Rosencrantz is a wise fool, a type that is a favorite of Stoppard.[12]

6. What is to be done?

 “There is only one day left, always starting over: it is given to us at dawn and taken away from us at dusk.”  Jean Paul Sartre.

Given that they are caught in Hamlet and can’t contravene that script, there are still things Rosencrantz and Guildenstern could have done in their own play that might have saved them from the death announced in Hamlet.  Built into Stoppard’s play are opportunities for Rosencrantz and Guildenstern to make choices that could have changed things for them.  They were not fated to act as they did, even if they failed to take advantage of the opportunities that Stoppard provides for them.   They could, for example, have confided in Hamlet at various points of their play.  Shakespeare provides a perfect opening for such a confidence in Hamlet when Hamlet first encounters Rosencrantz and Guildenstern.

After welcoming Rosencrantz and Guildenstern as old friends, Hamlet asks “Were you not sent for?…Come, come deal justly with me.”  Hamlet wants to know whether the King has set them to spy on him.  Rosencrantz and Guildenstern equivocate.  Hamlet repeatedly presses them, conjuring them “by the rights of our fellowship, by the constancy of our youth, by the obligation of our ever-preserved love.”  Prompted by Rosencrantz, Guildenstern finally admits “My lord, we were sent for.”  The three of them then engage in desultory conversation, ending in the coming of the actors whom Hamlet will hire for his play.

This was a perfect opportunity within the context of Hamlet for Rosencrantz and Guildenstern to consult with Hamlet in the context of Rosencrantz and Guildenstern.  Having admitted that the King had sent for them to spy on Hamlet, they could reasonably have followed up that admission with a discussion with their old friend about what was going on.  This is particularly the case since in Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, the two of them quickly come to their own conclusion that Claudius murdered Hamlet’s father.  Once they have reached that conclusion, it is unreasonable of them not to open up with Hamlet.  But they choose not to.

There were many opportunities within both Hamlet and Rosencrantz and Guildenstern for them to consult with Hamlet.  But Rosencrantz and Guildenstern hem and haw throughout the play, saying to themselves that they want to talk with Hamlet, but unable to get themselves to do it.  They even practice various ways in which to begin conversations with Hamlet, but never carry them out.  In any case, Guildenstern’s rationalizations in defense of doing nothing keep them from saying or doing anything that might change their situation.  That was their choice.

Their rationalizing and equivocating come to a head when the two of them discover in Rosencrantz and Guildenstern that the letter from Claudius that they are carrying to England requests that the King of England kill Hamlet.  At that point, Rosencrantz has had enough.  He wants to confide in Hamlet.  “We’re his friends,” Rosencrantz insists.  How can they be accomplices to the murder of Hamlet?

But Rosencrantz’s humanity is overridden by Guildenstern’s callousness and cowardice, as he once again rationalizes in favor of doing nothing.  Death isn’t so bad, he claims, and Hamlet’s death would be just one man dying so, “from the social point of view…the loss would be well within reason and convenience.”  Besides, Guildenstern concludes, “there are wheels within wheels,” and who are they to try to change things.  It is bad faith rationalization at its worst, and it is that which leads to their own deaths.[13]

If Rosencrantz and Guildenstern had confided in Hamlet at any point in the play, the three of them could have worked out a joint plan for saving all of their lives.  Since Hamlet was explicitly doomed by the script of Hamlet – he dies onstage in full view of the audience – such a plan would not have saved him.  But it could have worked for Rosencrantz and Guildenstern.  Their deaths are only announced in Hamlet, not actually seen by the audience.

Rosencrantz and Guildenstern could, for example, have colluded with Hamlet to change Claudius’ letter as Hamlet does in Hamlet. They could then have faked the deaths of Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, so as to avoid any blame and punishment that Claudius might hit them with because his scheme for Hamlet’s death had failed.  Hamlet’s later comment to Horatio in Hamlet that he cared not that Rosencrantz and Guildenstern might be dead could then be part of this joint plot.  Stoppard could have written something like this into his play – the key is faking the deaths of Rosencrantz and Guildenstern – without contradicting Hamlet.  He didn’t.  Why not?

7. Comedy, Tragedy, and a Good Conscience.

“Life begins on the other side of despair.”  Jean Paul Sartre.

“The play’s the thing wherein to capture the conscience of the king,” Hamlet proclaims.  So, too, the play may be the thing to capture the consciences of the audience for Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, or maybe touch their vanity.  Hamlet is a tragedy.  A tragedy has been described as a story of too much of a good thing becoming bad.  Tragedy generally involves a character who pursues a too narrowly prescribed good too far until it turns on itself, becomes bad and precipitates a disaster.  The character’s “tragic flaw” is a lack of perspective, the failure to see things in a broader context, for example failing to recognize that one person’s good may be someone else’s bad, and an individual’s good ultimately depends on the good of all.[14]

Tragedy is a story of hubris versus humility, the failure of the tragic character to recognize his/her personal limits, and to reconcile contradictions within him/herself, within his/her society and/or between him/herself and society.[15]  In the case of Hamlet, it is arguably his hubris combined with his gullibility toward the ghost who, I think, is an agent of the Devil, that leads almost inevitably to disaster.[16]  In any case, a tragedy may contain humor, but it is not expected to be funny.

In contrast with Hamlet, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern is a comedy.  It is expected to be funny.  A comedy has been described as a humorous conflict between folly and wisdom, foolish people and wise people, with a happy ending that results from the wise peacefully overcoming the fools and their foolishness.  In comedy, the problem is created by someone acting out of stupidity or ignorance, “the intervention of fools.”  The solution is for the fools either to be corrected or constrained.[17]

Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are both fools.  Much of their story is also very funny.  But the play ends with their being hanged.  That’s not funny.  And while they don’t know what’s in store for them as they wander through their play, we do.  How can an audience in good conscience laugh at the high jinks and foolishness of Rosencrantz and Guildenstern knowing that the play will end after the somber line “Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are dead?”

I don’t think an audience can in good conscience laugh at the thought of the deaths of Rosencrantz and Guildenstern.  I think that either members of the audience must be people of bad conscience, smug in their superior knowledge to Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, and callous at the death of two fools – losers in the parlance of Donald Trump – or audience members must believe that somehow Rosencrantz and Guildenstern aren’t really dead.  And maybe they aren’t.

8. Epilogue: Life after reported death?

Estragon: “I can’t go on.” 

Vladimir: “That’s what you think.” 

Waiting for Godot.  Samuel Beckett.

When his demise was wrongly reported in the newspapers of his day, Mark Twain quipped “The reports of my death have been greatly exaggerated.”  Might the same be true of Rosencrantz and Guildenstern?  In his last speech before seemingly being executed, Guildenstern muses that “Well, we’ll know better next time.”  Next time?  What’s with this “next time?”

In the movie version of Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, the actors that Hamlet has hired show Rosencrantz and Guildenstern how to fake being hanged.  At the end of the movie, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are shown being hanged.  But are they?  Maybe it’s a fake hanging.  In the play, they merely disappear at the end, and it is not clear how they died.  Or maybe they didn’t.  Rosencrantz and Guildenstern make farewell speeches, but maybe they are just fooling everyone, including us in the audience.  Are Rosencrantz and Guildenstern actually dead?

Rosencrantz and Guildenstern is full of trickery and slight-of-hand, starting with the opening scene in which a flipped coin repeatedly comes up heads, seeming to contradict the laws of probability.  Then there are the numerous inventions that Rosencrantz stumbles onto in the movie version of the play, which was directed by Stoppard.  In the movie version, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are also repeatedly saved by chance or random choice from discovery or death.  Faking their deaths at the end of the play could be Stoppard’s last bit of trickery, a trick played on the audience.

In any case, dead or alive, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern is, I think, ultimately a hopeful play.  Despite operating within an extremely narrow range of options, being tied into and almost tied up by the script of Hamlet, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern still had options to survive the demise announced for them in that play.  If they didn’t survive, it was a result of their own lack of imagination and their own choices.  In his farewell speech, Guildenstern muses that they should have just said “No” when they were summoned by the King.  And they should have.  A moral of their story is that you don’t want to get caught up in someone else’s story in which you are just a throwaway bystander.

So, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern made a fateful misstep into Hamlet’s story.  But that fateful misstep need not have become a fatal mistake.  Rosencrantz and Guildenstern implies that in even the tightest and direst situations, there still may be leeway and hope.  And just when you may seem to be without options, there may still be choices you can make.

B.W. 12/17

[1] Tom Stoppard. Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead.  New York: Grove Press, 1967. pp.16, 38.

[2] Evar Johnson. “Characters in search of a purpose: Meaning in Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead.” belmont.edu

[3] “Rosencrantz and Guildenstern as Existential Antiheroes.” The Stanford Freedom Project. Fall, 2015.

[4] Peter Travers. “Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead.” Rolling Stone. 2/18/91.

[5] Shmuel Ben-Gad. “A Semi-Existentialist Comedy: Tom Stoppard’s ‘Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead.’” American Culture. 5/20/15.

[6] Tom Stoppard. Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead.  New York: Grove Press, 1967. pp..25, 63, 79.

[7] Anthony Kennedy. A New History of Western Philosophy. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2010. p.666.

[8] Bob Dylan. Talkin’ World War III Blues.

[9] For an analysis of the play as a love story, see my post on this blog “Waiting for Godot: Why do we keep waiting? Hope among the Hopeless.”                       

[10] Thomas B. Kuhn. The Copernican Revolution. New York: Vintage Books, 1959.

[11] Tom Stoppard. Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead.  New York: Grove Press, 1967. pp.39- 40.

[12] For an analysis of Arcadia that discusses this theme, see my essay on this blog entitled “Entropy, Negentropy and Chaos in Tom Stoppard’s Arcadia: Must We Face the Music or Can’t We Just Dance?”

[13] Tom Stoppard. Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead.  New York: Grove Press, 1967. p.110.

[14] Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954. pp.35, 172.

[15] Kenneth Burke Attitudes toward History. Boston: Beacon Press, 1961. p.37.  Aristotle. Aristotle’s Poetics. New York: Hill & Wang, 1961. p.81-83.

[16] For a discussion of the ghost in Hamlet as an agent of the Devil, see my post at this blog website “Better Dead than Red: Hamlet and the Cold War against Catholicism in Elizabethan England.”

[17] Aristotle 1961, 59.  Burke 1961, 41.  Goodman 1954, 82-100.

Shakespeare’s “Twelfth Night, or As You Will.” A Masquerade of Fools, Fooling and Con(wo)men.

Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night, or As You Will.

A Masquerade of Fools, Fooling and Con(wo)men.

 Burton Weltman

“The silliest woman can manage a clever man;

But it needs a clever woman to manage a fool.”

Rudyard Kipling

Prologue: First Impressions.

What to make of the Duke Orsino?  The Duke opens the first scene of Shakespeare’s play Twelfth Night with the beautiful lines “If music be the food of love, play on; Give me excess of it, that surfeiting, the appetite may sicken and so die.”  He continues for a short time thereafter to wax poetically about wanting to listen to music until he sickens of love, but then suddenly tells the musicians to stop playing because he is sick of the music, not sick of love?  Would we say he is (a) a romantic soul; (b) a melancholy lover; or, (c) a narcissistic fool?  Most interpreters of the play say something like (a) or (b).  I would suggest (c).

What to make of Viola?  Having been shipwrecked on the shores of Orsino’s dukedom at the beginning of the second scene of the play, she asks whether the Duke is still unmarried and then, having heard that he is still a bachelor, proposes to make her fortune in Illyria by insinuating herself in disguise in the Duke’s household?  Would we say she is (a) a naively pure soul; (b) a goddess of good; or, (c) an adventuress on the make?  Virtually all interpreters of the play say something like (a) or (b).  I would suggest (c).

What to make of a play that is so full of high jinks and tomfoolery, that is set in a country so comfortable as Illyria, and that has happy endings in marriage all around?  Interpreters invariably see it as a mere entertainment, a brilliant distraction, full of sound and festivity, but signifying nothing.  I do not agree.  I think that Shakespeare intended the play as a dire warning to his countrymen about the future of their country, and it contains a message that may be relevant to us today.

These are my first impressions of Twelfth Night.  They run counter to most conventional interpretations of the play.  The purpose of this essay is to elaborate on these first impressions, and offer an alternative perspective on the work that sees it as both more serious and more fun.

A.  The Title: A Double Name and a Triple-Entendre.

What’s in a play’s title?  With Shakespeare, it is often more than seems at first glance.  The Tragical History of Hamlet, Prince of Denmark is named after the young man who carries on and acts up throughout the play, but his ghostly father who initiates and encourages the young man’s antics is also named Hamlet.  Is that important?  Or take Henry IV, which is really about the future Henry V.  What’s with that?  Or the play Twelfth Night, or As You Will, which seems an odd coupling of phrases.

The title of Twelfth Night is a reference to the last day of the Christmas holidays as they were celebrated in Shakespeare’s day.  The Twelfth Night of Christmas was a time of revelry and masks.  Since the play involves multiple masquerades, connecting it with the Twelfth Night of the Christmas holidays seems appropriate.  In turn, the subtitle “As You Will” complements the reference to the Twelfth Night festivities if you take the phrase as meaning “anything goes.”  The phrase indicates that all sorts of unconventional things are going to happen in this play.

But “As You Will” is a triple-entendre.  It can also mean “getting your own way,” that is, getting what you want and getting it any way you can.  In this sense, the subtitle seems to be saying that this is a play about people using masks and tomfoolery to get what they want.  That is, it is a play about cons and con(wo)men, and about fools and fooling.  Finally, it can mean “a bequest,” that is, what you leave to your descendants.  In this sense, the subtitle seems to be saying that this is a play about the sorts of inheritance that people leave for the future.  These are meanings that conventional directors and other interpreters don’t get.  And that is the main theme of this essay.

B.  The Plot: What a Tangled Web.

Twelfth Night is a comedy that follows two main plotlines that overlap at key points, and that have an upstairs/downstairs quality to them.  Each plotline is filled with coincidences and surprises.  The upstairs or upper nobility plotline involves the efforts of a duke named Orsino to woo a countess named Olivia, using as his go-between a young woman named Viola who has disguised herself as a man named Cesario.  The outcome of this plot is that Orsino ends up marrying Viola, and Olivia marries Viola’s twin brother Sebastian.

The downstairs or lower nobility plotline involves the efforts of Olivia’s kinsman Sir Toby Belch to con money out of his gull Sir Andrew Aguecheek by promising to help Sir Andrew court Olivia, and using Olivia’s waiting woman Maria as his go-between.  The result of this plot is that Toby ends up marrying Maria, and Andrew sustains a beating at the hands of Sebastian.

In the first plotline, Viola and her twin brother Sebastian have been sailing from their homes in some unnamed someplace for some unspecified reason to some unnamed someplace else, and they have been shipwrecked off the coast of Illyria in the Adriatic Sea.  Each thinks the other has been drowned.  In fact, Viola has been saved by a sea captain and comes ashore in Illyria.  Uncertain about her reception there, she decides to dress up in men’s clothing, pretend to be a eunuch named Cesario, and find employment in the household of Duke Orsino.  The Duke, who is seemingly taken with the good looks and manners of Cesario, employs Cesario as a go-between to help Orsino woo the reluctant Countess Olivia.

Olivia, her mother apparently long dead, has recently lost her father and brother, and insists that she will not entertain any marriage proposals for seven years.  No sooner, however, does Cesario/Viola speak words of love to Olivia on behalf of Orsino, than Olivia falls madly in love with what she thinks is a beautiful young man, and wants to marry him.   Cesario/Viola has meanwhile fallen for Orsino, and wants to marry him.

Although it is clear from their first meeting that Olivia has no interest in what Cesario/Viola has to say on behalf of Orsino, and that Olivia wants Cesario/Viola to make return visits only so that she can woo the ostensible go-between, Cesario/Viola keeps going back, which only increases Olivia’s desire for Cesario/Viola.  Many humorous exchanges ensue between Cesario/Viola and Olivia, and between Cesario/Viola and Orsino, as Cesario/Viola tries to negotiate the three-way relationship, while maintaining her masquerade as a man.

As the play winds down, it turns out that Viola’s twin brother Sebastian has also been saved by a sea captain from drowning.  He shows up in Illyria, where Olivia mistakes him for Cesario and rushes him off to the alter to be married.  Thanking his lucky stars for the chance to be wedded to a good-looking and very wealthy woman, Sebastian blithely goes off to be married to Olivia, a woman he has never met or even seen before.  This leaves the door open for Viola to come out of the closet as a heterosexual woman and be married to Orsino, who is immediately cured of his passion for Olivia and sees that he is really in love with Cesario, that is, Viola.

In the second plotline, Toby Belch is a sluggard and a drunkard, who is living high off the hog at the expense of his niece Olivia.  Toby is also using the money he is conning out of Andrew to drink Andrew under table.  Olivia tries using her Puritanical steward Malvolio to keep Toby in line, but Maria devises a scheme to humiliate Malvolio, and get him off Toby’s back.  The scheme works, and Malvolio eventually runs off as a consequence of his mistreatment.  Toby marries Maria in seeming gratitude for ridding him of Malvolio.

There are several humorous interactions in which Cesario/Viola and Sebastian are mistaken for each other by various characters.  One results in a fight between Andrew and the virile Sebastian, whom Andrew has mistaken for the weak Cesario/Viola, and during which Andrew gets a beating.  Another such mistake results in a violent outburst by Orsino against Cesario/Viola which leads to the unmasking of Cesario/Viola and the various reconciliations that conclude the play.

In the ostensibly happy ending, the dimwitted Orsino marries a conniving woman who he thought was a man, the volatile Olivia marries an opportunistic man whom she has never met, and the sluggard Toby weds a shrewish woman who is his intellectual superior.  Whether and how these relationships will work out after the play has ended seems to me very much in doubt.  Significantly, the action of the play closes with Olivia and Orsino sending couriers after Malvolio to make peace with him and have him return to service.  Olivia’s clown Feste then recites a poem about the ways in which foolish self-indulgence and complacency can get one in trouble.  The audience is left with these words of warning from a clown.

C.  The Setting: Feudalism, Capitalism, and a Once Upon a Time Kingdom.

The historical setting of Twelfth Night is significant for both the location of the story and the social conflicts portrayed in the play.  Once upon a time, there actually was an Illyria.  It was for many centuries a prosperous center of shipbuilding and trade on the shores of the Adriatic Sea.  As a part of the Roman Empire in Ancient times, it was the birthplace of several of the greatest Roman emperors, including Diocletian, Constantine, and Justinian.

Illyria was still prosperous during the Middle Ages, largely because of its strategic location. It had become, however, socially and politically passive, and it was conquered by the Ottoman Turks during the fifteenth century.  The Ottomans were at that time an economically and intellectually more productive society, and one of the world’s major empires.  At that point, Illyria disappeared as a corporate entity.  Illyria emerged again as a political entity during the seventeenth century, but not until after Shakespeare had written Twelfth Night.  For Shakespeare and his audience, Illyria was history.

Twelfth Night is set in medieval Illyria, when peace and prosperity would have seemed to the ruling Christian nobility in the play to be assured in perpetuity.  Shakespeare and his audience would have known better.  They knew that the Turks were coming, and that the Illyrian characters in the play were essentially luxuriating in a fool’s paradise.  This historical fact, that the Illyria of the play had been destroyed soon after the setting of the play, was, I think, intended by Shakespeare as part of the background for the play.  Why else would he have chosen such an odd and out-of-the-way location for his play, a place so different from the sorts of locations he chose for his other plays?  It adds an eerie air to the Marx Brothers atmosphere of the play and the frivolous behavior of the main characters.

The play portrays significant social conflicts among social classes, and between traditionalists and modernists in Illyria, social conflicts that concerned Shakespeare about his own time and place.  When I was a graduate student in history at Rutgers University during the late 1960’s, Professor Warren Susman told those of us in his graduate seminar that if we were ever called upon to give a lecture on any time and any place, especially one about which we knew nothing, all we had to do was say “It was a time of trouble.  It was a time of turmoil.  The old order was failing.  A new order was struggling into existence.  And the middle class was rising.”  One could, he said, go on about any time and place for at least an hour with that as one’s theme.

Notwithstanding the irony of Professor Susman’s advice, I think that one can apply his theme to Twelfth Night and to most of Shakespeare’s plays.  In turn, I think Shakespeare himself used that theme in Twelfth Night and in most of his plays.  Shakespeare was writing at a time when the feudal system of Medieval England was almost gone.  Remnants of the feudal nobility and feudal customs remained, but the English peasants were free, and both free enterprise and freer thought were steadily encroaching on traditional practices.  Capitalism and a middle class were rising.

Shakespeare was aware of these facts, and they concerned him.  Political collisions between a declining old ruling class and a rising new upstart class, social conflicts between the privileges of an inherited elite and the rights of ordinary people, religious battles among Anglicans, Puritans, and Catholics, and moral tensions between the pull of personal loyalties and the push of cutthroat competition, underlie most of Shakespeare’s plays, including Twelfth Night.  These were the same contests that divided England in his day.  Shakespeare generally portrays the contending parties and contending ideas in his plays with a relatively even hand, sometimes tilting in favor of traditional practices and civilities, other times toward new ways, means and moralities.

In Twelfth Night, Illyrian society represents an old aristocratic order, one that seems to be wallowing in wealth and indolence.  Duke Orsino and Countess Olivia seem to be overcivilized idlers of the upper nobility, with nothing but time on their hands.  Sir Toby Belch and Sir Andrew Aguecheek are under-civilized members of the lower nobility, with nothing but decadence on their minds.  These people do not seem to do anything productive, or know how to.

Malvolio, who is described as a Puritan, seems, on the other hand, to represent a new order of people, one that is sober, stern and efficient.  These are qualities that are missing in the aristocrats.  Olivia apparently has the wit to recognize this, and that is one reason she is upset about possibly losing Malvolio at the end of the play.  She realizes that people like her need people like Malvolio, no matter how much her sort may find Malvolio’s ilk distasteful.  The aristocrats’ sense of their own incompetence, and the degrading fact of their reliance on people such as Malvolio, may account for much of the melancholy that pervades the nobility in the play.  It also may explain their enthusiastic welcome of Viola and Sebastian as potentially new genteel blood that might invigorate their society.

D. Conventional Interpretations: An Idyll.

Twelfth Night is widely regarded as one of Shakespeare’s greatest creations.  Michael Billington, the dean of Britain’s theater critics, calls it “the most perfect comedy ever written.”[1]  Harold Goddard has said it is “one of the most effective theater pieces Shakespeare ever wrote.”[2]  Michael Wood enthuses that “Twelfth Night represents the peak of Shakespeare’s festive comedy.”[3]  I think, nonetheless, that these critics and most other interpreters miss much of the fun in the play because they overlook much of the complexity in the central character of Viola.

Viola is a woman pretending to be a man, which is wonderfully and comedically complex.  And in Shakespeare’s day, Viola would have been played by a boy, who was playing a woman pretending to be a man.  O, what a tangled gender web.  But I think most interpreters miss the point that Viola and Sebastian seemingly begin the play as adventurers wandering around Mediterranean societies, looking for opportunities to make their fortunes.  And they find those opportunities in Illyria.  Viola is, in this view, essentially a hustler who sees her opportunity with Orsino, and makes the most of it.  Sebastian is a smoothie who seizes his opportunity when it comes knocking with Olivia.  Their opportunism is an angle that is missed in conventional interpretations of the play.

Conventional interpretations of the play tend to follow one of two main lines, depending on whether the interpreters sympathize most with the aristocratic representatives of Merry Olde England or with the criticism of that regime represented by the Puritan Malvolio.  Interpretations also differ in whether they emphasize the melancholy atmosphere of Illyrian society represented by Orsino and Olivia or its antic and anarchic tendencies represented by Toby and Maria.  But all describe Viola as a maiden of virtuous intention, even as they leave unexplained Sebastian’s willingness to wed a wealthy woman he has never met.

Harold Goddard takes a melancholy view of the play, as Shakespeare’s “farewell to comedy,” that allegorically portrays “the end of Merry England” and “an intimation of the Puritan revolution” that was to come not long after Shakespeare’s death.  Goddard claims that Shakespeare was not wholly on the side of the old ways, as they could be cruel and feeble, and Orsino and Olivia are idle, sentimental and self-centered.  Shakespeare, in turn, portrays the Puritan Malvolio as “a man of principle.”  But Viola is the star of the show.  She is, Goddard exclaims, “sincere, modest, sweet, gentle, generous, tender, true,” and deeply devoted to Orsino.  He says that he cannot understand how Viola “should have fallen in love with such a spineless creature as the Duke,” but he thinks we are supposed to believe that she will purify Illyrian society “toward a more spiritual level.”[4]

Mark Van Doren sees Illyria as an ideal “world [built] out of music and melancholy,” but the idyll is “threatened by an alien voice,” the voice of the Puritanical Malvolio.  Melancholy in Illyria, according to Van Doren, is not a function of the idleness and vapidity of the ruling classes, as Goddard sees it, but is result of the threat represented by Malvolio, who is “ambitious, self-contained, cold and intelligent.”  Van Doren enthuses that “The household of Olivia is old-world, it is Merry England.”  Malvolio, he laments, is the new world, and not a very pretty one.  Most tellingly, Van Doren says, “Malvolio hates music.”  As a result, Van Doren claims, “The drama in the play is between his [Malvolio’s] mind and the music of old manners.”  Van Doren concludes that despite the “greatness” of Viola, Shakespeare intends to warn his audience that the Malvolios of the world will likely triumph.[5]

In a performance of the play that I recently saw at the Stratford Theater Festival, the downstairs plot involving Toby, Andrew and Maria was played for a maximum of laughs, including lots of slapstick and pratfalls.  But the upstairs plot involving Orsino, Olivia and Viola was played with a restrained, almost dignified humor, perhaps befitting the higher social status of the characters.  Melancholy was the dominant mood in Illyria in this production.  The production also treated the actions and transactions of the transgender Viola as seriously and sincerely romantic.  She is pure and purely good.  And we are seemingly supposed to admire the society into which she and her brother are marrying.[6]

Professor Humphry Tonkin echoes Van Doren’s idyllic view of Illyria as a “magical region.”  Like Van Doren, he sees Malvolio as “the enemy of love,” as opposed to Viola who is “the spirit of love.”  One of the questions that interpreters of the play should have to answer, but almost never do, is why Cesario/Viola keeps going back to see Olivia when their visits can only have the effect of confirming Olivia’s desire for Cesario/Viola and dissatisfaction with Orsino.  Tonkin attempts to answer this question by saying that Cesario/Viola has compassion for Olivia.[7]  But that answer does not make sense.  The only answer that makes sense is that Cesario/Viola wants to undermine any possible attachment between Olivia and Orsino, so the field will be open for Viola to gain Orsino for herself.  And that is the key to my interpretation of the play.

E.  An Unconventional Interpretation: A Sting.

The opening lines of a Shakespeare play often tell much of the tale, and the way they are interpreted and performed can set the tone for much that comes next.  The ghost scene that opens Hamlet,[8] Orlando’s opening speech in As You Like It,[9] and Antonio’s opening speech in The Merchant of Venice, [10]among others, can be played in different ways that predetermine much of the meaning of the rest of those plays.  It is the same with Twelfth Night.

The opening speech by Orsino, in which he waxes poetically about music as the food of love before sickening of the music but not love, is conventionally played seriously.  Orsino is invariably played by a dignified figure who is surrounded by other dignified figures who look up to him.  The scene sets up the play as some sort of romance in the upstairs plotline, following a burgeoning love between Orsino and Viola, contrasted with the downstairs plotline of Toby and Maria, which is treated as slapstick.  It also sets up Illyria as some sort of idyllic society, a model of an enlightened nobility.  In this context, Viola naturally emerges as an ideal person, finding her way to fit in with this society.

But all is changed if you play Orsino’s speech as the mellifluent, insincere blathering of an overdressed narcissistic fool, surrounded by a bunch of overdressed courtly sycophants, whose words of love are really all about himself.  Orsino’s self-absorption is evident throughout the play.  Who, but either a pompous ass or an insecure idiot, would send someone else to court a woman for himself, let alone send a comely young man to do the wooing?  Playing the opening scene in this way sets the play up as a comedy in both plotlines, and makes much better sense of their intersection.  Just as Toby is ripe to be plucked by Maria, so are Orsino and Olivia easy pickings for Viola and Sebastian.

In this interpretation, Illyria comes off not as an idyll, but as a complacent society ruled by an overindulgent and incompetent nobility.  It is a nobility that relies on the competence of servants (Malvolio, but also Maria) who are more intelligent and competent than their masters, and who are undermining their masters’ rule.  It is a society that ultimately cannot sustain and defend itself, and that is soon to be overrun and overturned by a more vigorous people.  This is the warning that Shakespeare is giving to his audience.

The play is a compendium of deceptions and con jobs.  Viola pretends to be a man, which is the essence of the upstairs plotline.  Feste, the clown, pretends to be a priest in Maria’s plot to torment Malvolio.  And Toby pretends to Andrew that he is working on Andrew’s behalf to induce Olivia to marry Andrew, which is a parallel of Cesario/Viola’s efforts on Orsino’s behalf. Toby is, in fact, just trying to get money from Andrew.  This farce is the substance of the downstairs plotline, and is conventionally well played for laughs.  But there are, I think, two other con jobs that are ignored by conventional interpretations of the play.  Playing up these con jobs would, I think, give greater depth and greater humor to the play.

First, in my view, Olivia is herself conning Orsino by pretending that she won’t marry him because she is in prolonged mourning for her brother.  Conventional interpretations of the play take this excuse at face value, and play her as a serious character.  It seems more plausible, however, that she just does not like the guy, and given his pomposity and self-centeredness that seems very reasonable, but that she does not want to offend such a powerful nobleman by just rejecting him.  That her mourning is a con job is also indicated by how quickly she is willing to forgo her weeds to wed Cesario/Viola/Sebastian.  And her willingness to marry Sebastian without first checking up on his bone fides indicates that she is a fool.  She has, in fact, been fooled by both Cesario/Viola and by Sebastian.  This could be very funny.

Second, and most important in my view, Viola is trying from the start to con Orsino into marrying her.  It is why she gives up on her initial intention to pretend to be a eunuch, and plays the courtier instead.  Her task is to make sure that Olivia does not change her mind about rejecting Orsino, and to get Orsino to eschew Olivia in her favor.  Toward this end, Viola makes herself attractive to Olivia, flirting with her even as Viola is pretending to present Orsino’s case.

This is the reason Viola keeps going back to see Olivia, even after it is clear that her visits are only hurting Orsino’s chances with Olivia.  In this context, Viola’s continually praising Orsino to Olivia only increases Olivia’s respect for what she foolishly sees as Viola/Cesario’s integrity.  At the same time, while Viola is playing the virile man to Olivia, she is playing the docile youth to Orsino, attracting him despite his seeming heterosexuality, confusing him in his affections, and setting him up for Viola’s eventual coming out as a woman.  This back and forth on the part of Viola, sometimes masculine, other times feminine, trying to keep things straight, would be very interesting and very funny. If it were played that way. And the fact that Viola falls for Orsino in the course of her masquerade – she soliloquizes words of intense passion towards him — only adds to irony and humor of the situation.  She has conned herself into falling for her dupe.

By the end of the play, the Illyrian nobility seem happy to welcome into their ranks two people, Viola and Sebastian, who are clearly, even to the dimwitted Illyrians, a couple of clever tricksters, Viola for putting across her imitation of a man, and Sebastian for grabbing at the chance to marry Olivia.  Did the Illyrians somehow see this as a way to invigorate their doldrum society?  In an Elizabethan era in which regular commerce, sharp practices, and piracy often overlapped, did Shakespeare see the addition of con men to the English ruling class as means of invigorating his society?  He portrayed Prince Hal, the future heroic King Henry V, very favorably in Henry IV, and Hal was a trickster.  Or, given the eventual fate of the real-life Illyria, was Shakespeare warning against falling for con-men and con-women.  I am writing this essay in the United States during the month of August in 2017, and we have just endured six months of having a con-man as our President.  It has not been a good experience, and I hope we do not go the way of Illyria.

In sum, I think that playing Orsino and Olivia as fools, Illyrian society as a fool’s paradise, and Viola as a clever con-woman makes better sense of the lines and the plotlines in the play, more sense out of Shakespeare’s intentions for the play, and makes for a more interesting production.  The moral of the story is posed in the opening lines of the poem sung by Feste the clown who closes the play: “When that I was and a little tiny boy, With hey, ho, the wind and the rain, A foolish thing was but a toy, For the rain it raineth every day.”  But we in the audience are no longer little boys and girls and, as such, our foolishness can have more consequence than mere playthings.  What we will for ourselves and to our descendants makes a difference.

BW  8/23/17

[1] Michael Billington. “Twelfth Night Review.” the guardian. 2/23/17.

[2] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare, Vol. I. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1951. p.294.

[3] Michael Wood. Shakespeare. New York: Basis Books, 2003. p.231.

[4] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare, Vol. I. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1951. pp.295, 296, 299, 300, 304.  See Michael Wood. Shakespeare. New York: Basis Books, 2003. p.231. for a similarly somewhat sympathetic treatment of Malvolio.

[5] Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. pp.136, 138, 140, 141, 143.  See also Dominick Cavendish. “Twelfth Night, National’s Oliver Theatre Review.” The Telegraph. 2/23/17. For a review of a performance of the play that emphasizes the malevolence of Malvolio.

[6] See J. Kelley Nestruck. “Review: Stratford Festival Kicks off with dreary take on Twelfth Night.” The Globe and Mail. 5/30/17 for a melancholy review of a melancholy interpretation of the play.

[7] Humphrey Tonkin. “Five Lectures on Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night.” University of Hartford. Nov./Dec. 1999.

[8] I have a blog post that deals with this point titled “Better Dead than Red: Hamlet and the Cold War against Catholicism in Elizabethan England”

[9] I have a blog post that deals with this point titled “The Taming of a Schlemozzle:  As You Like It as you like it.”

[10] I have a blog post that deals with this point titled “Shakespeare and Shylock: Protestants, Catholics and the Jewish Question in Elizabethan England”

Humility and Humiliation in “Timon of Athens.” Shakespeare does Schtick. Apemantus Searches for an Honest Man.

 

Humility and Humiliation in Timon of Athens.

Shakespeare does Schtick.

 Apemantus Searches for an Honest Man.

Burton Weltman

“Modesty is the color of virtue.”

Diogenes the Cynic.

Prologue: The Parties of the First and Second Parts.

Party of the First Part: “Thou art the cap of all fools alive.”

Party of the Second Part: “Would thou wert clean enough to spit upon!”

Party of the First Part: “A plague upon thee!  Thou art too bad to curse.”

Party of the Second Part: “All villains that stand by thee, are pure [by comparison].”

Party of the First Part: “There is no leprosy but what thou speak’st.”

Party of the Second Part: “If I name thee. I’d beat thee, but I should infect my hands.”

Party of the First Part: “I would my tongue would rot them off.”

Party of the Second Part: “Away thou issue of a mangy dog!”

Question: Is this Groucho and Chico Marx, or Apemantus and Timon of Athens?

For the answer, see the footnote below.[1]

 Mining for Gold in Timon of Athens.

“He has the most who has the least.”

Diogenes the Cynic.

“Rich men sin. I eat roots.”

Apemantus.

Timon of Athens is one of Shakespeare’s least popular plays, frequently maligned and infrequently performed.  It is the story of an impecunious philanthropist, Timon, who becomes a hard-bitten misanthrope.  Shakespeare may have written the play in collaboration with Thomas Middleton, a younger early seventeenth century playwright.  The play is uneven in style and schematic in structure, and its characters border on caricature.  Critics generally cite the difficulties of collaborating in explaining the shortcomings of the play.

The play is, however, highly dramatic, and offers opportunities for inspired acting.  Most interpretations and performances of the play tend to focus narrowly on its dramatic potential, especially the rantings of the disillusioned Timon.  But there is only so much shouting that an audience can take, so most critics dismiss the play as an also-ran in the Shakespeare canon.  I think, however, that the play has possibilities that are usually overlooked.

The play isn’t all shouting.  It includes significant moral controversy among the main characters, and is filled with slyly satirical and cynical repartee.  The text even implies some slapstick among the characters.  Given recognition of the moral issues and comic direction, the play can be thought provoking and very funny.  Most interpreters, however, slide over the moral debates among its characters, and the humorous possibilities in their interactions.  I think this is a mistake, and that the play has more humor and intellectual depth than is usually recognized.

The play is set in late fifth century BCE Athens, a time of political, philosophical, military, and commercial upheaval in the city-state.  This era is commonly called the Golden Age of Classical Greek history, the time of Socrates, Plato, Diogenes, and Aristotle in philosophy, Pericles and the Thirty Tyrants in politics, and Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes in theater.  It was the era in which Western ideas of democracy were first developed, but in which democracy was also threatened by demagogues and strongmen.

Athens was a society that jealously guarded the liberties of the few who were freemen, but kept in thrall the many who were servants and slaves.  Athens was both the center of most of the Greek political and cultural developments that we respect today, but was also a brutal military and imperial power enmeshed in the seemingly endless Peloponnesian War.  It was both a highly cultured society, and a society in which gold was often seen as the measure of a man.

There are four main characters in the play: the philanthropist turned misanthrope Timon, who goes from riches to rags and then back to riches, but not back to good humor; the cynical philosopher Apemantus, who continually criticizes Timon even as he cares about him; the pompous military leader Alcibiadus, whose pride goeth before a fall and then rises again; and Timon’s honest steward Flavius, who sticks with Timon through thick and thin.

Each of the four characters represents, I believe, an important position in the moral and philosophical debates of the fifth and fourth centuries BCE in Greece, particularly with respect to the all-important question of “Whom can you trust?”  The positions represented by the characters were also important in the philosophical debates of Shakespeare’s time, which is why, I think, they are represented in the play, and they continue to be important in our debates about morality and society today.

Although most critics think it is a source of weakness in the play that it was the product of a collaboration, I think the likelihood that Shakespeare wrote it with someone else exemplifies a main theme of the play: How can you find honest people, and live collaboratively with people you can trust?  Shakespeare was, in effect, attempting to practice what he was portraying.

The characters of Timon and Alcibiadus represent actual historical figures who lived in fifth century BCE Greece.  Timon of Athens was a former general and one-time wealthy man, who was legendary among contemporaries for his misanthropy.  It has been conjectured that Shakespeare combined in the character of Timon in this play some of the ideas of Timon of Philus, a late fourth century follower of Pyrrho, the father of Skepticism in philosophy.[2]

Skeptics believed in nothing and no one, and that nothing and no one could be shown to be true or good.  They insisted that “all lines of reasoning must be circular or endless” and, thus, intellectually empty.[3]  Skeptics also rejected the very idea of society as well as the company of men.  Whether or not Shakespeare had Timon of Philus in mind when he wrote the play, his Timon seems to represent this Pyrrrhonian philosophy when he turns misanthropic.

Alcibiadus was a well-educated, well-spoken aristocrat and a highly-regarded Athenian general, but was also a notoriously corrupt government official.  He was a turncoat who successfully fought on behalf of Athens several times, but also fought against Athens in the pay of Sparta and Persia.  Alcibiadus was a favorite pupil of Socrates, who ostensibly tried in vain to induce him to mend his ways.  He appears as a philosophical disputant in several of Plato’s dialogues and in the writings of others of that period.  Alcibiadus was arrogant and anti-democratic.  It was said of him that instead of believing that he should conform to the laws of Athens, he felt that Athens ought to conform to his way of life.  The known facts and character of the actual Alcibiadus seem to fit the character of Alcibiadus in the play.[4]

Apemantus is a fictional character, but bears a striking resemblance to Diogenes the Cynic, both in behavior and ideas.  Diogenes was a critic of the commercialism, consumerism, and stale conventions of Greek society.  Unlike the Skeptics, however, he did not reject all men, all society or the possibility of truth and truthfulness.  He claimed to be constantly looking for an honest man, someone who stood up to and apart from the phoniness of the existing society.  Diogenes preached and practiced a simple, and even ascetic, way of life.  He was perhaps the first hippie.

Diogenes was a contemporary and antagonist of Plato.  He had little patience for abstract and ethereal theories such as Plato’s, and he judged things by their effects and people by their actions.  He eschewed parochialism and pride of position or place.  He believed that one should consider oneself “to be a kosmopolites, a citizen of the world.”[5]  The ideas and practices of Diogenes seem to fit the character of Apemantus.  Apemantus is frequently called a dog by other characters in the play.  So was Diogenes in real life.  Cynic is the Greek word for dog, which Diogenes adopted as the name of his philosophy, and Apemantus also accepts in good grace.[6]

Flavius seems to represent the ideal servant as described by Aristotle.  Aristotle believed that some men were made to serve others.  They were natural servants or slaves.  The ideal servant identifies with his master, and gains his being through serving his master.[7]  Without his master, the servant is nothing, like a house elf in the Harry Potter books.  Flavius seems to genuinely care about Timon, but his loyalty also seems more programmed than personal.

Harold Goddard describes Flavius as “the truest man in the play, one of the truest in all of Shakespeare.”[8]  Other critics fault Flavius for failing to stand up to his master when Timon is squandering his fortune.  As Timon’s steward, they say, Flavius should have not merely mentioned Timon’s financial problems to his master, as he repeatedly did, but should have insisted that Timon cease and desist.[9]  I think that both assessments miss the point that Flavius is so true to Timon because he has been brainwashed to be an ideal servant and, in turn, that Flavius’ servant mentality would not permit him to take a critical position toward his master.

Reading the Play as It Is Written.

“There is only a finger’s difference between a wise man and a fool.”

Diogenes the Cynic.

“He may look like an idiot and talk like an idiot but don’t let that fool you.  He is an idiot.”

Groucho Marx.

Although the interplay among the four main characters is complex, the plot of the play is simple in structure.  In the first part of the play, Timon is a man of seemingly immense and endless wealth, with gold pieces and golden objects abounding about him.  Despite warnings from his steward Flavius about the precariousness of his financial health, Timon gives away all he has and runs into debt as a result of his overweening generosity.  Timon is then forced to ask for help from his former beneficiaries, but they all refuse him, much to his intense humiliation.

Throughout this first part of the play, Apemantus repeatedly chides Timon for being self-centered and selfish in his excessive generosity, which Apemantus condemns as an egotistical play for flattery.  Meanwhile, Alcibiadus experiences humiliation when the Athenian government refuses to spare the life of one of his soldiers who had murdered someone.  As a great general who had served Athens, he felt that the government owed him that respect.  The officials insist that the law must be followed, and Alcibiadus vows revenge against Athens.

In the second part of the play, Timon rails at the ingratitude and wickedness of humankind in explosive terms.  Flavius stays loyal to Timon through the bad times, even though his help is spurned by Timon.  Apemantus now chides Timon for being self-centered and selfish in his excessive misanthropy, which Apemantus sees as an egotistical play for sympathy.

In a stroke of good fortune, Timon discovers gold which makes him rich again.  But instead of resorting to his generous ways, he uses the wealth to finance what he hopes will be the destruction of Athens.  He gives money to thieves he encourages to plunder the city, pox-ridden prostitutes who will infect the citizens with venereal disease, shyster businessmen who will cheat the Athenians, and Alcibiadus’ army which will destroy the place.  The play closes with Timon’s death and Alcibiadus’ decision to execute only those Athenian officials who had offended him, and not to destroy Athens and kill all of its inhabitants, as he had previously vowed to do.

This a pretty flimsy plot for a Shakespearean play.  In trying to make something substantial of it, critics and directors of the play tend to focus on the woes and woefulness of Timon and, in the hands of a good actor, the character of Timon can easily dominate the play and make for a worthwhile performance.  Timon, who is all sunshine and bonhomie in the first half of the play, and a thunderstorm of vitriol in the second half, offers wide scope for dramatic virtuosity.

In a performance of the play that I recently saw in 2017 at the Stratford Festival, Joseph Ziegler was a terrific Timon.  But I think the production did not mine most of the humor and intellectual depth that is embedded in the play.  A narrow focus on Timon can lead you to miss the underlying subtleties and complexities that can make Timon of Athens a thought and laugh-provoking drama, and not merely an emotional deluge.  It can also lead you astray in interpreting the actual words of the play.

The highly-regarded critic Harold Goddard, for example, made three key claims about the play.  First, that the play has a “central theme of ingratitude.”  Second, that the play ends with a “final note of forgiveness and reconciliation.”  And, third, that the moral of the play is the “idea that misery leads to illumination.”[10]  But, I don’t think this interpretation makes sense of what is said and done in the play.

As to the first claim, while the play is full of ingrates, with whom Timon justifiably has grievances, none of them plays a central role in the drama.  The other three central characters – Apemantus, Alcibiadus and Flavius – are not ingrates.  They are loyal to Timon.  Each also represents a different attitude toward humankind and the world than Timon, which makes for a real moral debate that Goddard does not mention.

As to the second claim, as the play ends, Alcibiadus decides not to destroy Athens as he had vowed.  Goddard claims, in interpreting this scene, that “The play ends with Alcibiadus freely relenting from his plan for revenge and bringing peace rather than war to Athens.”[11]   But this interpretation flies in the face of what Alcibiadus actually says and does.

In the key words in this scene, which are generally overlooked by critics and slurred over by actors, Alcibiadus conditions his clemency with the demand that the Athenians turn over to him those members of the government who had insulted him and, he proclaims, “Those enemies of Timon’s and mine own Whom you will set out for reproof Fall.”  That is, they will die.  The price for Alcibiadus sparring Athens from wholesale slaughter is the summary execution of those Althenians who had ostensibly humiliated him.  Rather than an act of forgiveness and reconciliation, this seems like a final note of vengefulness and revenge on the part of Alcibiadus,

Alcibiadus then closes the play with a statement of what he sees as the moral of the story: “Make war breed peace, make peace stint war, make each prescribe to the other as each other’s leech.  Let our drums strike.”  Goddard claims that these are words of peace, but they are really words of war.  Alcibiadus says here that peace may only “stint” war, that is, put limits on it, and maybe bring about temporary truces.  But, he is also essentially proclaiming that war is the natural state of things.  And then he has his army march into Athens to the beat of his war drums.

As Goddard’s third claim, about learning from misery being the moral of the story, neither Timon nor anyone else in the play seems to have learned anything from the misery that he and some of the others have suffered.  Timon’s self-composed epitaph reflects the same egotism that he displayed throughout the play, albeit magnified by the bitterness of his misanthropy.  It reads:

Here lies a wretched corse, of wretched soul bereft.

Seek not my name.  A plague consume you, wicked caitiffs left!

Here lie I, Timon, who, alive, all living men did hate.

Pass by and curse thy fill, but pass and stay not thy gait.

Opening the epitaph with a pathetic bout of self-pity, Timon then falsely claims that everyone hated him.  That is patently untrue.  Many people humiliated Timon by refusing to lend him money, but they did not hate him.  And some people, particularly Apemantus, Alcibiadus and Flavius, continued to love him and try to help him, even as he rejected them.  It is he who rejected them, not they who rejected him.  In the midst of this mawkishness, Timon first commands that people not seek his name, and let him rest in anonymous peace, but then tells them his name is Timon.  Timon’s egotism seemingly gets the better of him even in death.

One of the great things about any great playwright is that his/her works can be read, interpreted, and performed in many different legitimate ways, because there is more in a work than meets the eye on a first, second or subsequent glance.  But, the written words are a limiting factor in interpreting any literary work.  In the case of Timon of Athens, I think that in trying to see the play as a melodrama or tragedy, and as a morality tale with Timon and Alcibiadus as the carriers of the moral, even some of the best critics and directors have been led astray.

Interpreting the Play as It Is Written and Unwritten.

“Of what use is a philosopher who doesn’t hurt anybody’s feelings?”

Diogenes the Cynic.

“O, Apemantus, you are welcome [here]!”

Timon of Athens.

“No. You shall not make me welcome.  I came to have you throw me out of doors.”

Apemantus.

Interpreters of Timon of Athens generally agree that it is the story of an unrepentant egotist, who credits himself with his good fortune, and then blames his misfortune on others.[12]  With this I agree.  But critics also almost invariably see the play as a one-dimensional mass of howling, full of sound and fury, and signifying very little.  In this, I disagree.

“There could scarcely be more railing and cursing in five acts than we have here,” complained Charles Van Doren, who claimed the play reflects Shakespeare’s own late-life bitterness unleashed.[13]  Frank Kermode, similarly, dismissed the play as King Lear-light, full of Lear-like ranting about ingratitude, but without the dignity of the original.[14]

John Kelly titled his review of the play as “Feeling Like a Misanthrope? Here’s Shakespeare’s Guide to Swearing Like One.”  Kelley also claimed the play went nowhere.  “Timon remains as egocentric in his misanthropy as he was in his profligate, flattery-seeking munificence,” Kelley complained, so what’s the point of all the shouting?[15]  Michael Wood concluded that the play came off poorly because Shakespeare’s heart was not in it, since the play is about a misanthrope and Shakespeare was not himself a misanthrope.[16]

The foundation of these views is the singular focus of the critics on Timon as the moral, emotional and intellectual center of the play.  It is, after all, named after Timon.  In their focus on Timon, critics also often conflate his views with those of Apemantus.  Frank Kermode claims Apemantus is “repulsive,” and complains that he had set a bad example for Timon.  Peter Leithart calls him “Ape-man,” and claims that Timon merely follows in Apemantus’ footsteps when he becomes a misanthrope.[17]  Another critic complains that Apemantus is “a snarling nasty man who insults everybody he meets without appearing to derive any pleasure from doing so,” and yet another that he is a “churlish cynical philosopher,” who contributes nothing to Timon or society.[18]  Critics also generally dismiss Flavius.  He is totally “hapless” says Kermode.[19]

I disagree with these assessments.  I think that Apemantus and Flavius offer significant moral alternatives to Timon’s misanthropy and Alcibiadus’ militarism.  It is not the case that Timon apes Apemantus when he turns misanthrope, and Apemantus specifically rejects the comparison.  When Timon begins railing in the wilderness about his misfortune, Apemantus accosts Timon and complains that “men report Thou dost affect my manners, and dost use them.”  Apemantus then diagnoses Timon’s condition as “a nature but infected; A poor unmanly melancholy sprung,” and chastises Timon with the question “Art thou proud yet?”  He is saying that Timon’s misanthropy is a form of egoism.  Apemantus’ cynicism is a matter of principle.

I think that Apemantus can be seen as representing what it takes to be an honest freeman in a thoroughly dishonest society.  This was an important question in Shakespeare’s society and in many of Shakespeare’s plays.  With the demise of feudalism and feudal codes of honor, and the rise of capitalism and commercial codes of exchange, questions of honesty and honor were as urgent to Shakespeare and his contemporaries as they had been to Diogenes in Timon’s day.

Apemantus, who values honesty over gold, is, I believe, the moral center of the play.  Flavius is his counterpart among servants.  Both demonstrate a fundamental humility, as opposed to the egotism and arrogance of both Timon and Alcibiadus. Humility is an attitude and a modus operandus in which people put themselves at the service of the other people, without denigrating themselves.  In fact, one can only really put oneself at the service of another if one has a positive sense of oneself and one’s abilities.  Otherwise, one would have nothing to offer the other person.  Humility of necessity incorporates self-awareness and self-confidence.

That is the case with both Apemantus and Flavius.  Apemantus tells all and sundry what he thinks, but does not put on airs.  To the contrary, he appears with high words but in lowly guise, and with no apparent ambition other than to expose the falseness of the fakers around him, to serve them as they deserve in hopes that they might later deserve better.  Likewise, Flavius desires only to serve his master, with no expectation of gain or even gratitude.  And given their humility, neither of Apemantus nor Flavius craves flattery, and neither is humiliated by the scorn and rejection with which they are greeted by most of other characters in the play.  That is not the case with Timon and Alcibiadus, both of whom desperately need to be flattered, and both of whom suffer from humiliation when they don’t get enough of it.

Without claiming that Timon of Athens is Shakespeare at his best, I think that most interpreters and directors get the play wrong when they take Timon’s rantings at face value, and present the play as an odd sort of melodrama, or even a tragedy.  Timon’s are the rantings of an egotistical idiot – idiot from the ancient Greek “idiotes,” meaning someone who is cut off from social reality and completely caught up in himself — and they are funny on their face.  Timon is a fool, and his plight is the stuff of comedy, not melodrama, let alone tragedy.[20]  In sum, I think the play is funnier and more profound than most critics and directors seem to recognize.  What follows are some suggestions as to how the play might be interpreted and performed in that light.

First and foremost, Apemantus should be portrayed as a sort of philosophical Groucho Marx.  He is like the wandering philosopher Jacques in As You Like It, but more humorous and more pointed.  His insults and tirades should be presented as sarcastic jibes at the pretentions and callousness of his fellow citizens.  He should speak with more facetiousness than bitterness.  Although his words are harsh, Apemantus clearly cares for Timon and, by implication, for others in distress.  He keeps returning to Timon, and refuses Timon’s generosity because “if I should be bribed too, there would be none to rail upon thee, and then thou wouldst sin the faster.”

Apemantus should be onstage most of the time, lurking about, and commenting in pantomime on the action, even in scenes in which he has no spoken part.  He should make faces and rude gestures at the pompous and the prosperous, and mockingly mimic them.  In pantomime, Apemantus should occasionally try to trip up some of the Athenians who prey on Timon, but also help up an old lady, and help some poor man with alms from his own small store of coins.

The Athenians who prey upon Timon’s generosity in the first half of the play should be dressed in conventional clothes, but altered to resemble some predator animal.  They should also have some beak-like nose, or long sharp teeth, or claw-like fingers.  The thieves, prostitutes, and soldiers whom Timon encourages to prey upon Athens in the second half of the play should likewise be dressed and made up to look like savage beasts, the thieves like werewolves, the prostitutes like harpies, the soldiers like Black Shirts.

Since this is a play about Greece at the time when dramatic theater was being invented, there should be a chorus on stage, as there would have been in a Greek play of that period.  The chorus might consist of eight people, two hippies, two government officials, two soldiers, and two servants.  The members of the chorus should comment in pantomime throughout the play according to the interests and ideas of the social group they represent.

Apemantus and other characters in the play should silently interact with members of the chorus, chatting, laughing, mocking, and generally making a silent nuisance of themselves.  At the end of the play, the two government officials in the chorus should be led off by the two soldiers in the chorus to be shot personally by Alcibiadus.  The executions should be in view of the audience, and to the visible dismay of Apemantus and the remaining members of the chorus.

Timon’s behavior in both acts should be exaggerated to make him seem outlandish.  Other than Apemantus, Alcibiadus and Flavius, who actually care for Timon, the other Athenians should be seen mocking and laughing at him behind his back.  He should, however, be played as pathetically ridiculous, and thus entitled to some sympathy, whereas the others should be played as pompously and greedily outrageous, gaudily dressed and affected in their mannerisms.

Many of the scenes in the play are ridiculous in their setup, but are not usually played for either their laughs or their moral messages.  The scene in which Timon gives gold to thieves who he hopes will plunder Athens and prostitutes to spread venereal disease among the citizens is an example. This is farce on its face.  But in the performance that I recently saw at Stratford, this scene was played as pathetic serious instead of pathetic farce, as I think it deserves.

The opening scene of the play is another example.  In this opening scene, a poet and a painter are discussing their latest works that they hope to sell to Timon, a poem in his praise and a portrait that makes him look better than he is.  The poet is a predator, but he speaks some truth when he predicts Timon’s downfall when Timon runs out of money, and proclaims that flattery is a better way to win friends than buying them with money.

The poet also justifies his flattering of Timon for gold by claiming that it is morally acceptable to beautify a noble subject, so long as you don’t whitewash an evil or ignoble one.  Since one of the features of Greek art of the Golden Age in which the play is set was its idealization of the human body, his rationale for greed has seemingly some half aesthetic truth to it. It also might reflect the thinking of poets and artists in Shakespeare’s age who produced works-to-order that flattered wealthy patrons.  Apemantus rejects this rationale, and I think this is an early indication in the play that he is speaking for Shakespeare.  Rather than expressing Shakespeare’s late-life bitterness, as Van Doren thought, maybe the play represents a reemergence of youthful rebelliousness in him.

Playing Timon of Athens as schtick not only would make it funnier and fun, it would have the effect of highlighting the moral and philosophical issues embedded in the play.  The key is to reverse the moral light in which the four main characters are seen in conventional interpretations of the play.  Instead of casting Timon’s complaints about ingratitude, and Alcibiadus’ complaints that he doesn’t get any respect, in a positive light, while denigrating Apemantus and Flavius, the latter two characters should be cast in a positive and respectful light, and the former two demeaned.  Timon should be played as a pathetic fool and Alcibiadus as a would-be dictator.  The characters say the same words, but the tone of voice and gestures are different.

For example, in the scene in which Alcibiadus asks the Athenian government to pardon his soldier who has been convicted of murder, Alcibiadus is often played as pleading and heartrending, and the Athenians as cold and rigidly hardhearted.  This is the way it was played in the recent performance that I saw at the Stratford Festival.  The key line uttered by one of the Athenians is “He dies,” and it was declaimed coldly and harshly in the performance that I saw.  It was well played and chilling in its effect.  But, I think that a better way to play the scene is to have Alcibiadus say his lines as self-important demands and thinly-veiled threats, and to have the Athenians respond in sympathetic voice.  The line “He dies” can be said by the official with a tone of reluctance, and a shrug that says: “There is nothing I can do about it. It is the law.”

Reversing the moral light forces you to take seriously the things that Apemantus says and, as a consequence, listen more carefully and critically to what Timon and Alcibiadus say.  I think that many of Shakespeare’s plays work in this way.  The name of a Shakespearean play does not necessarily indicate who is the moral center, or even the main character, and the moral center may not be a perfect person.  In The Merchant of Venice, it is Shylock, not the merchant Antonio, who is the main character and, I think, the imperfect moral center of the play.[21]  In Henry IV, it is Hal who is the main character and an imperfect moral center.   In Hamlet, I think the moral center is Horatio, not Hamlet.[22]  So, too, in Timon of Athens, it is Apemantus who is the imperfect moral center, even though Timon gets the headline and most of the speaking lines.  

The combination of schtick and ironic moral reversal is a time-honored way of dramatically raising moral and philosophical issues, from Aristophanes in Timon’s time, to Moliere in Shakespeare’s day, to the Marx Brothers in our era.  In A Night at the Opera, for example, the cynical and sarcastic Groucho, Chico and Harpo emerge as the moral heroes, despite their incorrigible and inconsiderate misbehavior.  Compared to their opponents, they demonstrate empathy and integrity.  Ridiculing everyone else, as Groucho and Apemnatus do, can leave the ridiculer in the moral driver’s seat.

Timon of Athens does not end happily, and not only because Timon dies alone and unregenerate.  The play ends with Alcibiadus murdering Athenian officials for merely having followed the law and doing their duty, and with Alcibiadus then occupying Athens with his army, and seemingly taking control of the city-state as a military dictator.  At that point, Apemantus should be seen exiting the stage in the opposite direction of Alcibiadus, with a tear in his eye and shaking his head, the chorus standing in place and in visible bewilderment.

BW 7/11/17

 

[1] It is Apemantus and Timon.  As goofy as the Marx Brothers were, I don’t remember any instances where they used Elizabethanisms such as “thou,” “thee,” and “wert.”  The point of the comparison is that Shakespeare was willing and able to engage in schtick repartee, and that Timon of Athens is a comedic work.  More to come on that.

[2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timon_of_Phlius

[3] Anthony Kenny. A New History of Western Philosophy. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2010. p.82.  Julian Marias. History of Philosophy. New York: Dover Publications, 1967. p.96.

[4] Anthony Kenny. A New History of Western Philosophy. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2010. p.34.  http://www.britannica.com/biography/Alcibiadus-Athenian.

[5] Julian Marias. History of Philosophy. New York: Dover Publications, 1967. p.89.

[6] Anthony Kenny. A New History of Western Philosophy. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2010. p.80.

[7] Julian Marias. History of Philosophy. New York: Dover Publications, 1967. p.84.  Jonathan Barnes.  Aristotle: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. p.129.

[8] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare, Vol 2. “Timon of Athens.”  p.179.

[9] http://www.shmoop.com/timon-of-athens/flavius.html

[10] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare, Vol 2. “Timon of Athens.”  p.174.

[11] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare, Vol 2. “Timon of Athens.” p.181.

[12] Lindsay Lichti. Inquirers Journal. “Shakespeare’s Apemantus.” Vol.2, No.83, 2010.  Michael Billington. the guardian. “Timon of Athens.’ 7/17/2010.

[13] Charles Van Doren.   p.253.

[14] Frank Kermode. The Age of Shakespeare. New York: Modern Library, 2005. p.167.

[15] John Kelly. Slate. “Feeling Like a Misanthrope? Here’s Shakespeare’s Guide to Swearing Like One.” 7/19/16.

[16] Michael Wood.  Shakespeare. New York: Basic Books, 2003. p.291.

[17] Peter J. Leithart. “’Plague All”: Timon of Athens.” First Things.  1/25/05.  John Kelly. Slate. “Feeling Like a Misanthrope? Here’s Shakespeare’s Guide to Swearing Like One.” 7/19/16.  Lindsay Lichti. Inquirers Journal. “Shakespeare’s Apemantus.” Vol.2, No.83, 2010.

[18]Frank Kermode. The Age of Shakespeare. New York: Modern Library, 2005. pp.167, 168.  Peter J. Leithart. “’Plague All”: Timon of Athens.” First Things.  1/25/05.  PlayShakespeare.com “Timon of Athens Characters. Apemantus.”  John Kelly. Slate. “Feeling Like a Misanthrope? Here’s Shakespeare’s Guide to Swearing Like One.” 7/19/16.  See also, Barbara Mackay. TheaterMania. “Timon of Athens.”

[19] Frank Kermode. The Age of Shakespeare. New York: Modern Library, 2005. pp.167, 168.

[20] Michael Wood.  Shakespeare. New York: Basic Books, 2003. p.290.

[21] I have written an essay on this which appears on this blog site.  It is called “Shakespeare, Shylock and the Jewish Question in Elizabethan England.”

[22] I have written an essay on this blog site that discusses this point.  It is called “Better Dead than Red:  Hamlet and the Cold War against Catholicism in Elizabethan England.”

 

The Taming of a Schlemozzle: Shakespeare’s “As You Like It” as you like it.

The Taming of a Schlemozzle:

Shakespeare’s As You Like It as you like it.

 

Burton Weltman

 

 “I see a woman may be made a fool

If she had not a spirit to resist.”

Katherine in The Taming of the Shrew.

 

Domestication Altercations: What goes around, comes around.

A schlemiel is a guy who invariably spills the soup.

A schlemozzle is the guy on whom the soup is invariably spilled.”

Mel Brooks.

In The Taming of the Shrew, Shakespeare dramatized the efforts of a husband, Petruccio, to dominate his wife, Katherine.  The play is widely considered what we today call sexist because it seemingly lauds the husband’s efforts, denigrates the wife, and applauds her apparent submission to him in the end.  In As You Like It, Shakespeare seems to take a reverse course, and portrays a woman, Rosalind, who dominates the action around her and her suitor, Orlando.

Conventional interpretations of the play portray Rosalind as a golden girl, selfless, virtuous, and brilliant.  Conventional interpretations portray Orlando as a golden boy, a repository of the Boy Scout virtues, a heroic figure, and a devoted lover.  In this essay, I am going to argue that, contrary to the conventional view, Rosalind is mercenary, mendacious and selfishly manipulative.  I am also going to argue that Orlando is a schlemozzle, that is, a nice guy who isn’t very bright and tends to be a loser.  Orlando is a well-liked fellow, and an impressive physical specimen, but he is intellectually dense and prone to violence.  In turn, he repeatedly gets dumped on until fortune miraculously turns his way at the end of the play.

As You Like It is typically played as a light-hearted pastoral romance about love at first sight and lovers in an idyllic forest setting.  A recent production of the play that I saw at the Stratford Festival was staged as a carnival of singing, dancing, juggling, acrobatics, and audience participation.  It was wonderfully conceived and performed, and was great fun.  The young people in the audience (busloads of students from local schools) seemed to have a particularly good time.  The play concludes with the marriage of four couples who have ostensibly fallen in love at first sight, and closes with what seems to be a “Happily ever after” ending for them all.

In this essay, I suggest an alternative approach that contrasts with conventional interpretations of the play, and that I think better fits the words that Shakespeare wrote.  As You Like It, in my view, is not a romance of good things coming to good people and bad people becoming good, but is essentially a dark comedy, that is, a play in which bad things sometimes happen to good people, and selfishness sometimes prevails over selflessness.  The play is full of ironies.

The characters, for example, volubly justify their amorous inclinations as true love at first sight, but their mutual attractions appear to be mainly just lust at first sight.  They proclaim undying love and loyalty, but their personalities do not seem the stuff of which long-lasting commitments are made.  Finally, I think that the superficially happy ending of the play belies the underlying problems that will likely soon emerge in the characters’ marital relationships.  My interpretation could still be performed as you might like it in a fun-filled circus-like fashion, but it would also have a serious side to it and would suggest some serious things to think about.

As You Like It parallels The Taming of the Shrew in many ways, albeit with a reversal of gender roles.  Although most productions of The Taming of the Shrew close with what seems to be a “Happily ever after” ending, some interpreters see Katherine’s submission at the end of that play as merely a strategic retreat.  They foresee that her struggles for dominance with Petruccio will be resumed in the near future, thereby giving the lie to a superficially happy ending.  Likewise, I think that the various marriages at the end of As You Like It, including that of Rosalind to Orlando, are fragile and full of potential contradictions and conflicts.  Loving peace and harmony seem likely to be short-lived, and battles for dominance are likely to break out in the near future.  What seems to be a “Happily ever after” ending is really an ironic beginning.

As You Like It goes Into the Woods: Wishing Well and Unwell.

“Into the woods…

You can have your wish…

Then out of the woods,

And happy ever after.” Not.

Stephen Sondheim.

Stephen Sondheim’s musical Into the Woods is a dark comedy that also parallels As You Like It in many waysIn Sondheim’s play, the main characters leave their mundane lives and venture into a nearby forest seeking the ways and means of bettering their lives.  In seeking to fulfill their wishes, however, the characters create a host of problems for themselves.  In the course of the first act of the play, they resolve these problems and each gets the wish that prompted him or her to go into the woods.  The first act ends with all of them rejoicing that they are now going to live happily ever after.  But not so fast.

At the beginning of the second act, the characters find themselves disappointed with the way things have turned out. They come up with new wishes that generate new problems for themselves that are even more daunting than the ones they faced in the first act.  With great sacrifice and loss of life, the surviving characters solve these problems and, once again, rejoice that they are finally going to live happily ever after.  Or so they think, because the play closes with one of them whispering “I wish,” a potent act which portends even more trials and tribulations for them all.  Sondheim’s characters seem to be caught in a vicious cycle of wishes and troubles, unhappily ever after.

As You Like It is a play full of songs, a Sondheim-like musical of Elizabethan times.  It is also the story of a group of people who venture into a forest to escape unhappiness and unjust persecutions, hoping there to find a better way of life.  As in Sondheim’s musical, they overcome adversity and their wishes seem to come true.  But like Sondheim’s comedy, the play seems to end at the beginning of a new round of troubles for them all.  The melancholic philosopher Jacques closes the play with what seem like ironic congratulations to the pairs of lovers and then, refusing to participate in the marital festivities, retires to see what will be the outcome of it all.

The Plot: Courtly Usurpations and Forest Peregrinations.

I’m a lumberjack and I’m OK.

I cut down trees, I eat my lunch,

I go to the lavatory.

On Wednesdays, I go shopping

And have buttered scones for tea.”

Monty Python.

As You Like It has a peripatetic plot but the gist of the action can be summarized as follows.  A French duke, Duke Senior, is deposed by his brother Duke Frederick.  Senior escapes to the Forest of Arden with a bunch of his followers, including the philosopher Jacques, and they proceed to set up an idyllic housekeeping among the natives there.  The courtly gentlemen settle into what seems to be a very refined forest life, with docile peasants and shepherds to serve them, and plentiful deer to shoot.  Maybe even buttered croissants for tea.  Senior’s daughter, Rosalind, stays behind in the ducal palace under the protection of Frederick’s daughter, Celia.

Meanwhile, Oliver, a lesser nobleman, has been systematically mistreating his younger brother Orlando, and rendering him penniless.  Orlando rebels and threatens violence against Oliver.  When Orlando enters a wrestling competition, Oliver induces the other wrestler to try to kill Orlando.  However, Orlando wins the competition and then flees to the forest with his faithful servant Adam.  In the course of the wrestling scene, Orlando meets up with Rosalind.  Unbeknownst to them, each falls in love with the other at first sight.                  

Frederick eventually suspects Rosalind of conspiring against him on behalf of her father, which she is not doing, and she escapes to the forest with Celia and Touchstone, the court jester.  As a means of self-protection, Rosalind disguises herself as a man, and calls herself Ganymede.  Celia disguises herself as Rosalind’s sister.  As they settle into country life, they meet Orlando, who has been posting love poems about Rosalind on trees all around the forest.  Touchstone makes fun of Orlando’s poems, which even Rosalind thinks are sophomoric.

Rosalind, disguised as Ganymede, convinces Orlando to undergo a prolonged and humiliating course of so-called treatment with Ganymede to cure Orlando of his unrequited love for Rosalind, while actually fanning it.  Meanwhile there is much debating about life and love among the various displaced gentlemen, including Ganymede, and much repartee about the relative merits of court life versus country life between the gentlemen and the rural folks.

In the end, Orlando saves Oliver’s life when Oliver is attacked by a lion as Oliver is seeking for Orlando to further persecute him.  Oliver vows to turn over his wealth to Orlando and to live in the forest with Celia, with whom he has fallen in love at first sight.  Frederick also has a conversion experience as he is seeking to further persecute his brother, and Frederick vows to give Senior back the dukedom and retire into a monastery.

Finally, Rosalind removes her disguise and reveals herself to her father and to Orlando.  The play closes with the marriage of Rosalind to Orlando, Celia to Oliver, their jester Touchstone to a peasant girl, and two peasants to each other.  Everyone rejoices.  But is this the end or merely the beginning of their problems?

Conventional and Contraventional Interpretations: Where are the Entwives?

“I’ve seen love from both sides now,

From give and take and still somehow,

It’s love’s illusions I recall.

I really don’t know love at all.”

Joni Mitchell

According to Wikipedia, which is a good source of conventional opinion on many subjects, As You Like It is generally regarded as a light-hearted pastoral romance, in which Rosalind is generally portrayed as a paragon of virtue and a role model for men and women alike.  Orlando is, in turn, generally regarded as a hero.  Most interpreters generally accept at face value the acclamations of love at first sight made by various characters in the play, as well as the happy ending.  This is the conventional view of the play.[1]

The conventional interpretation makes for a pleasant play that the Shakespearean scholar George Goddard says is not one of Shakespeare’s best but is one of Shakespeare’s best loved.  I would contend, however, while the conventional view makes for a likeable play, it also makes for difficulty in construing in pari materia the words written by Shakespeare.  This is exemplified by Goddard’s own interpretation of the play.

Accepting the description of the play as “a pastoral romance,” Goddard claims that it is Rosalind’s play, and that she completely dominates the drama just “as Hamlet does Hamlet.”  Like many critics, Goddard seems smitten with Rosalind, gushing that “Rosalind is wit with humor” and “a sort of universal image of Woman as Sweetheart.”  He also describes Orlando as a hero.  Goddard concludes that the moral of the play is that love is wisdom and that love at first sight, exemplified by the attraction of Rosalind and Orlando for each other, is wisdom in action.

Goddard runs into difficulties, however, in reconciling this view with Shakespeare’s words.  He claims, for example, that the love poems Orlando has posted on trees in the forest are genuinely good poetry, despite evidence within the play that Shakespeare intended the verses to be deemed inferior.  Touchstone, the jester, ridicules Orlando’s verses as “bad fruit” coming from good trees, and extemporizes a mock love poem that is clearly a better composition than Orlando’s. (3.2.87-158).  Goddard thunders, nonetheless, that “Touchstone stands condemned as a fool” for criticizing Orlando’s poems.  This is an odd condemnation since Touchstone, as a court jester, is, in fact, a professional fool.  In any case, Rosalind also mocks Orlando’s verses as “tedious,” and acknowledges that Touchstone’s are better than Orlando’s. (3.2.158-173).  Is she a fool, too?

In defense of his thesis, Goddard denounces as a hypocrite the philosopher Jacques, who doubts that love at first sight can endure, because Jacques claims to eschew mankind but seemingly craves an audience for his misanthropic pronouncements.  Goddard notes that Orlando refuses to engage in repartee with Jacques, which Goddard cites as an example of Orlando’s intelligence.  But Duke Senior, who is a voice of reason in the play, likes to engage in debate with Jacques, and finds him a fount of interesting ideas, albeit not always wisdom.  Goddard’s view of Jacques does not seem to be Shakespeare’s.

Finally, Goddard thinks that in the debates between the courtly gentlemen and the rural folks, the peasants win hands down, with their sincerity triumphing over the cynicism of the gentlefolks.  But this is not the conclusion of Duke Senior, and is clearly not the case when one looks at the debates.  While in some instances the common sense and humility of the peasants wins out, in others the superior wit of the court people clearly triumphs.  The play is just too two-sided for the one-dimensional conventional view that Goddard espouses.[2]

Mark Van Doren, another Shakespearean scholar, takes a more two-sided view of the play.   Unlike Goddard, he thinks that As You Like It is a great play, and that it embodies a thorough-going critique of pastoral romances.  Also unlike Goddard, Van Doren thinks that both the court and the countryside folks have their points, but that the court people ultimately have the better of it in their debates.  Finally, unlike Goddard, who disparages Touchstone, Van Doren considers Touchstone a genuine “intellectual,” a man “without illusion” who shreds the pastoral myth, and who even wittily proves to the shepherds that they are really courtiers.

But, like Goddard and consistent with the conventional view of the play, Van Doren idealizes and idolizes Rosalind.  He claims she is “a perfect symbol of the romantic heroine” who “loves Orlando without limit.”  He rhapsodizes that she is “a gallant and witty girl” who is “the philosopher of the play.”  Van Doren also accepts the conventional view of the play as a paean to love at first sight and marriage at first chance.[3]

I do not agree with this love-and-marriage view of the play, if for no other reason than that there are lots of husbands and their offspring in the play, but no wives and mothers.  This is a situation similar to that of the Ents in J.R.R. Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings.  Ents are primordial tree-like creatures that take care of the earth.  When the Hobbits Merry and Pippin ask the Ent Treebeard about the whereabouts of the Entwives, Treebeard explains that in the course of time, the male Ents took to the forests to tend the trees while the female Ents remained in the fields to tend the plants.  The male Ents eventually lost all touch with their Entwives and, thereafter, lived a bachelors’ existence in the woods.  “You see, we lost the Entwives,” he concludes.

The men in As You Like It have similarly taken to the forest and seemingly lost touch with their wives. They have constructed a bachelors’ paradise, and there is no indication that they might be looking forward to reuniting with their wives when they return home.  As You Like It is, thus, a play about marriage and family but with no wives or mothers, not even a mention of them.  In leaving out any example of a marriage in the play, let alone a successful marriage, Shakespeare has placed the marriages that are contracted at the end of the play in a doubtful context.  It raises the question of whether love, lust, love’s illusions, and/or greed are the motivating factors in the play, and whether Shakespeare thinks love at first sight will last for long in a marriage.

The Case Against Rosalind, and the Schlemozzle Tamed: Seeming is Believing.

“You’re good.  You’re very good.”

Sam Spade.

In Dashiell Hammett’s The Maltese Falcon, the hard-boiled detective Sam Spade falls under the hypnotic sway of the mercenary Brigid O’Shaughnessy, who is drop dead beautiful (in the book, not the movie), brilliant, sympathetic, and totally disingenuous.  It is lust at first sight.  For most of the book, he knows he is being conned by her but he can’t help himself.  He is overwhelmed by her beauty, and she is too clever for him.  I think that Rosalind is very much like her, and is essentially a female version of Petruccio in The Taming of the Shrew, who was himself mercenary, manipulative, mendacious and domineering.

The case against Rosalind is simple.  When her father is banished by Frederick, she stays behind to live in the luxury of the palace, rather than rough it with her father in the forest.  Not a very loyal daughter.  When Frederick suspects her of plotting in favor of her father, she truthfully denies it.  Not a very valiant daughter.  When she escapes to the woods with her loyal and valiant cousin Celia, her intention is to live on Celia’s money.  A very convenient friendship.

Rosalind falls for Orlando after admiring his good looks, admiring his strength and prowess in winning a wrestling match, and admiring his pedigree without yet knowing that he has been disowned by his brother.  Her attraction to him is strong but her language about him is more calculated than caring.  Not a very elevated motive.

Rosalind adopts the name Ganymede in taking on her disguise as a man.  In ancient Greek mythology, Ganymede was the most beautiful of male mortals, and was made immortal by Zeus.  Not a very humble disguise.  By contrast, the humble Celia takes on the alias of Aliena, which means stranger in Latin and was the name of a plebian Roman family.

Rosalind dominates her cousin, and seems to expect to dominate any situation.  While in the forest, she does not reveal her identity to her father, who is likely worried about her, until the very end of the play when he has been restored to his position of power and wealth by Frederick.  She also does not reveal her identity to Orlando and plays a hurtful hoax on him, claiming to help him forget his love for Rosalind while actually fanning his passion.  She treats him with scorn and derision, quite cruelly, during her supposed treatment of him.  She reveals herself to him only after she has completely hogtied him with her psychological manipulations, and he has been granted wealth and power by his brother Oliver.

Rosalind’s views of the world are mercenary and cynical.  She states her own philosophy as “Fortune reigns in the gifts of the world, not in the lineaments of nature,” that is, it is what you have and not what you are that is most important. (1.2.40-42).  When the philosopher Jacques attributes his chronic melancholy to all the suffering and evil he has seen in his travels around the world, she replies that “I had rather have a fool to make me merry than experience to make me sad.”  That is, she would rather pretend the world is as she would like it, and ignore the hardship and suffering of others, than to see it as it really is.  She also derides Jacques for having “rich eyes and poor hands,” that is, he has seen a lot but has no wealth to show for it. (4.1.13-32).

Rosalind’s views of love are also cynical.  When the jester Touchstone quips that “as all is mortal in nature, so is all nature in love mortal folly,” she seriously agrees with him.  (2.4.54-56). Later, when Orlando complains to Rosalind, who is disguised as Ganymede, that he is dying for the love of Rosalind, she mocks him and claims that “Men have died from time to time, and worms have eaten them, but not for love.” (4.1.112-113).  Rosalind is good at her games, very good, and she is able to carry her schemes off, making seeming into believing.

Rosalind is a winner.  In contrast, Orlando is a whiner.  The play opens with him whining first to his servant Adam and then to his brother Oliver that Oliver has not provided him with the education and income that he deserves.  He is unable to live up to the high social status of his birth.  Orlando complains that Oliver has “undermined my gentility” and “trained me like a peasant.” (1.1.1-25).  There is no indication that he has done anything to educate or elevate himself.  Orlando seems to think he is entitled to whatever he wants.  His obsession with money and status sets the stage for the play, and stands in sharp contrast with the deposed Duke Senior’s lauding of forest life because there is “no painted pomp” and “no flattery” there. (2.1.3-15).

When Oliver does not immediately sympathize with Orlando’s complaints, Orlando seizes Oliver by the throat and threatens him with violence.  The result is that Oliver promises to give Orlando some money, but then hatches a plan for Orlando to be killed in a forthcoming wrestling match.  Oliver is an evil person, but he seemingly has legitimate concerns for his personal safety.

Orlando is a violent person.  This works to his advantage when he defeats the wrestler at the beginning of the play, and when his kills the lion that was attacking his brother at the end of the play.  But he seems inclined to violence at the wrong times, as in this opening scene with his brother and later when he storms the forest camp of Duke Senior in search of food and threatens to kill anyone who eats a morsel before he gets what he wants.  He needs a keeper.

Orlando is also not very bright.  This is indicated by the fact that he has apparently been taken advantage of by his brother for such a long time, and it has taken him so long to register a protest.  It is also indicated by the awful love poems he writes, his inability to do well in repartee with other characters, and his falling for the ridiculous hoax that Rosalind plays on him.  He is a schlemozzle, a loser, who seemingly wins in the end only because Rosalind has fallen for him and takes him in hand.  I say “seemingly wins” because it is not clear that in the long run he is going to enjoy the marriage to the domineering Rosalind that he has won.

Power-Tripping into the Woods: As You Like It as you will.

“The truly great books are the few books

that are over everybody’s head all of the time.”

Mortimer Adler

As You Like It is a play purportedly about love, but is seemingly more about lust.  Each of the main pairings is established at first sight, with the exception of long-suffering peasant Silvius’ long-standing passion for the peasant Phoebe.  Silvius is also the only one in the play who seems to have a conception of love that goes beyond personal satisfaction.  Love, he says, “It is to be all made of faith and service.” (5.2.93).  Scattered throughout the play until the very end are songs that speak of love as lust, love as ephemeral, and love as folly.  (2.5.1-10; 2.7.183-201; 4.2.12-20; 5.3.17-39).  This is not a play that extolls true and lasting love.

The play is also purportedly about selflessness overcoming selfishness, but is seemingly more about power struggles and the survival of the wittiest.  Adam, the faithful servant of Orlando’s family, is the only one who gives with no expectation of return, as when he offers Orlando his life’s saving and life’s service in helping Orlando escape from Oliver’s vengeance. (2.3.40-57).

The superficially happy ending of the play is engineered by Shakespeare through a series of fantastical conversions and deus et machina. In defending his thesis that the play is a light-hearted pastoral romance, Harrold Goddard attributes these miracles to “the magic of the Forest of Arden,” and claims they contribute to the upbeat moral of the story.

I think otherwise.  I think the ending is ominous and the moral of the story is a downer.  Shakespeare has given us a play about brothers pitted against brothers for wealth and power, nobles versus peasants, court versus countryside, men versus women, and pessimists versus optimists.  With the exception of a few characters, such as Duke Senior, Celia, Adam and Silvius, each is trying to impose his or her will on the others, and the question is whose wills will win out.  Goddard would have it that the play shows the optimists winning out, and that Shakespeare intended his audience to leave the play encouraged about the world.  I think that Shakespeare leaves us with a Jacques-like feeling of foreboding that if the only way things can work out reasonably well is through miracles, then we all ought to begin praying ASAP.

In suggesting an alternative to the conventional view of As You Like It, I am not insisting that mine is the only plausible interpretation.  It has been frequently said of Shakespeare’s plays that one of the things that makes them great is that they can be interpreted and performed in many different ways.  In his seminal treatise on How to Read a Book (1940), Mortimer Adler defines a great book as one that can be read over and over with the reader getting something more or different each time.  That is true of Shakespeare’s plays.

Shakespeare’s words and directions form the parameters within which his plays can be performed, but he leaves a lot of latitude for interpretation within those parameters.  The staging is everything.  I think that staging the play with the interpretation I am suggesting would make for a more interesting and more humorous performance, even without all of the gimmicks that were superadded to the production I recently saw at the Stratford Festival.

[1] “As You Like It.” Wikipedia.  Accessed 9/23/16.

[2]  Harrold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare, Vol. 1. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. pp.281-293.

[3]  Mark Van Doren.  Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. pp.127-134.