From Phallus to Phalanx. Is Shakespeare’s “Tragedy of Coriolanus” actually a Comedy? The End of a Heroic Age.

From Phallus to Phalanx.

Is Shakespeare’s The Tragedy of Coriolanus actually a Comedy?

The End of a Heroic Age.

 

Burton Weltman

 

“The tragedy of Coriolanus is one of the most amusing of

[Shakespeare’s] performances.”   Samuel Johnson.

 

When is a Tragedy a Comedy?  Telling a fool from a hero.

The main thesis of this essay is that Shakespeare’s play The Tragedy of Coriolanus would be better played and more meaningful if it were read as a dark comedy rather than as a tragedy.  That sounds like nonsense and even blasphemy against the sacred Shakespearean canon.  I think, however, that the definitions of tragedy and comedy are fuzzy and flexible enough, and that Shakespeare’s writings are complex and multidimensional enough, to make that thesis plausible.

One of the great things about Shakespeare’s plays is that you can read the lines and play the scenes in many different ways that legitimately represent the original text.  And you can come up with different meanings depending on how you say, stage and act the words.  Shakespeare also liked to play around the edges of story forms, combining and overlapping different genres to produce intricate dramas.  It is in that context that I contend Coriolanus is a comedy.

Story forms can be categorized into three main types – melodrama, comedy, and tragedy.[1]  Melodrama is the predominant story form in our society and the form in which most people instinctively react to adversity.  It is a story of good against bad, good guys against bad guys.  “Who is doing this to me and how can I defeat them” is the first reaction of most people to a problem.  This reaction is essentially the “fright, then fight or flight” reaction that we have inherited from our piglet-like precursors who had to make their way in a world of giant carnivores.  It is a function of the brain stem, the earliest and least sophisticated portion of the human brain that we inherited from those puny ancestors.  Comedy and tragedy are more complex reactions that derive from the cerebral cortex which evolved later in humanoids.[2]

Comedy is generally defined as a story of wisdom versus folly, wise people versus foolish people.  In comedy, the problem is created by someone acting out of stupidity or ignorance, “the intervention of fools,” and the solution is for the wise to teach or restrain the fools so that they can do no further damage.[3]  Comedy involves conflicts and struggles but the action is usually peaceful, although it can become violent and even fatal.  The humor in a comedy stems from our recognition of the stupidity of the characters.  A comedy may have a happy or unhappy ending depending on whether the fools learn their lesson and whether violence is avoided.

Tragedy can be defined as a story of too much of a good thing becoming bad.  Tragedy involves a character who pursues a too narrowly prescribed good too far until it turns on itself, becomes bad and precipitates a potential disaster.  The character’s tragic flaw is a lack of perspective, the failure to see things in a broader context, for example failing to recognize that one person’s good may be someone else’s bad, that the world may contain competing goods, and that an individual’s good ultimately depends on the good of all.

Tragedy is a story of hubris versus humility, the failure of the tragic character to recognize his personal limits and reconcile contradictions within herself, within his society or between herself and society. The goal of tragedy is for the tragic hero and the audience to recognize the narrowness of the hero’s perspective – recognition of the character’s flaw at the end of the story by the character and the audience is a key to this narrative form [4]

The lines between melodrama, comedy and tragedy are not hard and fast, and the story forms overlap in many respects.  Each, for example, can contain elements of stupidity, conflict, violence, and pride, and each can have an unhappy ending.  Too much of one element can transform one story form into another.  Too much conflict, for instance, could turn a comedy into a melodrama, and too much stupidity can turn a comedy into a tragedy.

Shakespeare often wrote so-called comedies that can be read as bordering on melodrama.  For example, in The Taming of the Shrew, Petruchio’s treatment of Katherine can be seen as misogynistic and malevolent. In The Merchant of Venice, the treatment of Shylock by Antonio and Portia can be read as cruel and un-Christian.  In The Comedy of Errors, the treatment of foreigners and slaves can be interpreted as brutal and brutish.  Read in these ways these plays should perhaps be called comic melodramas or, at least, melodramatic or dark comedies.

Many of Shakespeare’s comedies also have endings that may superficially look happy but seem to contain within them the seeds of future melodramatic conflicts and even disasters.  The Taming of the Shrew, for example, ends with Kate making peace by seemingly subordinating herself to her husband, but it looks like a fragile and temporary peace at best.  Likewise, the marriages at the end of The Merchant of Venice look like the prelude to future marital conflicts between manipulative women and macho men, and the likelihood of unfunny abuse.

Comedy can also border on tragedy, and too much stupidity and too little dignity can turn what purports to be a tragedy into a comedy.  I think this is what happens in Coriolanus. As described by Aristotle, a tragic hero is someone who suffers from hubris or excessive pride, makes an error of judgment as a result of his hubris, suffers a serious reversal of fortune which is greater than he deserves, and then recognizes that his downfall was his own fault.  Applying these criteria to Coriolanus, Coriolanus clearly suffers from excessive pride and makes serious errors of judgment based on his overweening pride, but I do not think that he suffers a downfall out of proportion to his faults or that he ever recognizes that his downfall is his own fault.  And his boorish behavior and outlandish language do not befit tragedy.

Coriolanus can best be seen, I think, as a comic fool, not a tragic hero, and that, I contend, is what makes Coriolanus important for us today.  Shakespeare was dramatizing the end of an age of individualistic heroes and the beginning of an age in which cooperation among common people was imperative.  We live in an era in which proponents of an anachronistic individualism are battling to stop a similar pro-social transformation and turn the clock back a hundred years to a Social Darwinian struggle of each against all.  Coriolanus is a play that can help us understand those people and help us stop their retrograde political, social, and intellectual programs.

The Relevance of Coriolanus: Putting Things in a Historical Context.

“But no man’s a hero to himself.”  Ray Bradbury.

Unless he is Coriolanus, King James I, or Donald Trump. And therein lies a tale worth telling.

Shakespeare’s Tragedy of Coriolanus is the story of a renowned Roman warrior who lived in the fifth century BCE. The play deals with real historical people and events.  It is based on Plutarch’s account of Coriolanus in his Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans.[5]  The play focuses on the personality and actions of Coriolanus and on his interactions with the common people of Rome in a time of widespread popular protests against food shortages and almost continuous warfare between the Romans and their Volscian neighbors.

Although the play is full of action, colorful characters, and biting dialogue, scholars have noted that Coriolanus “has not, on the whole, been a popular play, either on the stage or with the literary critics,”[6] and has been called Shakespeare’s “most neglected play.”[7]  It is not widely read or performed.  I think that is unfortunate because the play is eminently relevant to events in our world today.  There seem to be two main reasons for the play’s unpopularity.

The first reason is the repulsive personality of its main character, Coriolanus. He is characterized by an overweening egotism, a derogatory attitude almost everyone around him, and an unwillingness or inability to keep from violently insulting anyone who differs with him.  As the ostensible hero of this play, most people find it hard to identify with someone as obnoxious as Coriolanus. The second reason for the play’s unpopularity is the way the common people are portrayed, which is generally seen as anti-democratic and, as such, objectionable to modern-day democratically inclined audiences. [8]

I think, however, that reading the play as anti-democratic and as a tragedy misses its main points and its relevance for us today.  Shakespeare lived at a time of significant changes in England from a still largely medieval society to an incipient modern society.  These changes met with considerable resistance and conflict.  Shakespeare was aware of the changes and conflicts, and he wrote about them in many of his plays, sometimes explicitly, other times implicitly.  Coriolanus, which was completed in 1608 during the early years of the reign of King James I, portrays political and social changes and conflicts that took place in fifth century BCE Rome which reflect similar changes and conflicts that were taking place in early seventeenth century England.

Both societies were moving from dictatorial to more popular forms of government, from isolated monocultures to more inclusive and diverse cultures, and from more individualistic to more socialized institutions of war and peace.  The relevance of the play is that changes and conflicts of this sort have been taking place over the past century in the United States and much of the western world. In seeing the play as an anti-democratic tragedy, I think that interpreters fail to take fully into consideration the changes that were taking place in ancient Rome and Stuart England and in so doing, they misinterpret the personal and political implications of the play.

In my opinion, the play is better read as a dark comedy.  In this view, Coriolanus is not a tragic hero but an arrogant ass who is the chief fool in the play, and the play includes an implicit but daring criticism of James I.  The play is not anti-democratic but a plea for balance in government and justice to the lower classes.  The noxiousness of Coriolanus is one of the things that made the play relevant to people in Shakespeare’s day and makes it relevant to us today.

The Plot: A Vicious or Virtuous Cycle of Debate?

The basic plot of Coriolanus is fairly simple. The backstory of the play is that Coriolanus, whose given name is Martius, after the Roman god of war, has been raised by his mother to be a proud and valiant warrior with an inflexible personality.  She is a true Valkyrie who would love to be a warrior herself.  The play opens with an argument between some plebian citizens involved in protesting food shortages and Menenius representing the patricians who control the food.  The plebians want the government to make food available to the hungry people, which the patricians resist on the grounds that it is their food.  Martius intervenes to denounce the protesters and call for them all to be hanged.  How one interprets who has the better of the argument in this scene is crucial to how one views the play.

Shortly thereafter, Martius performs heroic individual military feats in defeating the Volscians and taking the city of Corioles.  He is given the name Coriolanus in honor of his heroics.  He then repeatedly rejects any special payment for his service to Rome because he considers himself above any kind of service to the state.  He does what he does because he wants to do it.   He considers any reward to be demeaning, as though he were for hire and acting heroically for pay.

Based on Coriolanus’ military heroics, the patricians propose elevating him to be a counsul, which was one of the two chief executives in the Roman government.  An assembly of the plebians initially approves this appointment.  But then they hear of his refusal to share food with the populace and his plans to eliminate the newly created position of tribune, which gave the plebians a say in government.  Coriolanus repeatedly insults the plebians and their tribunes and rejects the idea that as counsul he would be serving them.  He considers himself above doing service to anyone, let alone a bunch of lowly plebians.

The plebians retract their approval of Coriolanus’ appointment as consul and conduct a trial in which they find him guilty of treason based on his plans to abolish the tribunes and thereby overthrow the established government, a crime for which he could be executed.  But because of his prior heroic service to the state, which ironically Coriolanus refuses to acknowledge as service to the state, the tribunes decide to spare his life and exile him instead. The government then distributes food to the hungry populace, much to Coriolanus’ disdain and chagrin.

In exile, Coriolanus spitefully offers his services to the Volscians whose leader literally welcomes him with open arms.  Coriolanus then leads a Volscian army toward Rome with the vengeful intent of ransacking the city and killing its inhabitants.  He rejects pleas from former Roman friends to spare the city from annihilation but eventually responds positively to a plea from his mother.  Coriolanus decides to go back on his agreement with the Volscians and spare Rome. How the scene with his mother is played is also crucial to interpreting the play. The play ends with Coriolanus being killed by the Volscians as a turncoat.

Coriolanus is a talky play, chock full of personal and political debating.  People are continually debating the virtues and vices of Coriolanus and the pros and cons of popular government.  The weight of the debate continually swings back and forth between fear of tyranny and fear of mob rule, and between concern for the personal problems of Coriolanus and the political problems of Rome.[9]  The debaters circle around and around so much that many critics are flummoxed as to what Shakespeare intends.[10]

I think this confusion is to a large extent a result of interpreters trying to fit the debates into the serious story form of a tragedy instead of a comedy in which most of the characters are confused and many of them are fools, even if they are dangerous.  Most of the debates are conducted in hyperbole, and most of the speeches should be played as overblown and somewhat ridiculous.  Among the main characters, only the Roman general Cominius stands out as a voice of reason and reasonableness who tries to bridge the gaps among the arguing parties.

So, is the play a virtuous cycle of debate that leads to the softening of Coriolanus and the salvation of Rome?  Or is it a vicious cycle that culminates in a hardening of Coriolanus’ pride and an exacerbation of the class struggle in Rome?  Explicating the historical contexts in which Coriolanus lived and in which Shakespeare wrote can help answer these questions.

Coriolanus in Ancient and Modern Historical Context.

“A hero is no braver than an ordinary man, but he is brave five minutes longer.”           Ralph Waldo Emerson.

Developments in fifth century BCE Rome paralleled developments in seventeenth century England and that, I think, is a key indicator as to what Shakespeare intended with this play.  Rome in the fifth century BCE was politically moving from a kingship to an aristocratic republic with some democratic elements.  We see in the course of the play Coriolanus the beginnings of the development of the basic ideologies and institutions – the autocratic consuls who stood in place of a king, the patrician senate that represented the rich, and the democratic tribunes and general assemblies of plebian citizens – that were the foundation of the Roman Republic for the next four hundred years.  They were also the source of almost continuous conflict as the social classes represented in each of those institutions vied for power over the others.  Much of the cycle of debate in the play revolves around whether Rome will be ruled by a dictator, for which position Coriolanus was a leading candidate, by an aristocracy, by the demos, or by some combination of these three possibilities.

Paralleling the political movement from one-man rule to a more popular and collective government, Roman military tactics were moving from a more individualistic and heroic form of combat – the simultaneous one-on-one battles of hordes of men that one sees in The Iliad – to a more collectivist combat of large numbers of men organized into phalanxes – groups of armed soldiers standing close together and presenting a wall of aggression and opposition to the enemy.  In one-on-one combat, victory generally went to the most highly skilled and most wildly ferocious soldiers.  It was the sort of combat made for heroic individuals such as Coriolanus.

Phalanx warfare, by comparison, required little skill and less intensity.  Patience and fortitude were the keys.  Soldiers stood shoulder-to-shoulder with spears or swords outstretched, each soldier supporting the others next to him and willing to stay in formation with his comrades no matter what.  Not the sort of thing for free-lancers or egotists.  They would at best look foolish and would likely endanger the rest of the group. Nor would phalanx warfare be likely to produce individualistic heroes.  Heroism, in this context, was Emerson’s standing together for five minutes longer.  It was, however, the sort of warfare that enabled Rome to conquer much of the world.  The play Coriolanus in effect dramatizes a last hurrah for someone like Coriolanus whose heroism was becoming obsolete in Ancient Rome, but not without resistance from high-ranking supporters of the old ways.

England in the early 1600’s CE was facing a similar situation and conflict.  King James I was claiming to be a divine right king whose will should be considered omnipotent.  James was a scholarly and deeply religious man and was, after all, responsible for the publication of the almost universally acclaimed King James Bible.  But his religiosity also took him down some dark alleyways.  He was, for example, obsessed with the dangers of witchcraft and personally supervised the torturing of women to get them to confess to being witches.

Born in 1566, James became King of Scotland in 1567 and was not only raised to be a king but was raised as a king.  James grew up endowed with autocratic power that he attributed to God.  In The True Law of Free Monarchies, published in 1598, James claimed that “The state of monarchy is the supremist thing upon earth; for kings are not only God’s lieutenants upon earth, and sit upon God’s throne, but even by God himself are called gods.”  Talk about hutzpah.

Upon assuming the throne of England in 1603, James immediately came into conflict with Parliament.  Parliament represented English aristocrats who did not generally ascribe to James’ theories of divinely instituted autocratic monarchy.  They insisted that what James considered the legitimate freedoms of the monarch be balanced by the freedoms of aristocrats as set down in The Magna Carta and English common law.  And these patricians asserted their rights through Parliament’s control over the government’s purse.  If James did not approve laws and take other actions they wanted, they would not grant him taxes to run his government and engage in wars.

This running conflict between the King and Parliament eventually erupted in civil war in the 1640’s and led to the execution of King Charles I, James’ son, who went to his death insisting on the divinity of an autocratic monarchy.  These later events were past Shakespeare’s time, but he lived through the beginnings of them and portrayed similar events in his plays.

While King James and the aristocrats in Parliament were battling over their rights, the lowly English masses were demonstrating against the enclosure movement and on behalf of what they claimed as their rights as free-born Englishmen.  During the Middle Ages, a portion of a nobleman’s land was generally set aside as a common area on which peasants could graze their animals and raise some crops.  Over time, this use of the so-called commons became considered a legal right of the peasants.  But starting in the 1500’s, patrician landowners began enclosing these common areas, and banning the peasants from using them, so that the patricians could devote the commons along with their other lands for grazing sheep.  Exporting wool to the European continent became a very profitable industry for these patricians.

But the combination of closing off the commons and dedicating most of England’s other farmland to raising sheep resulted in a large decrease in the amount of grain being grown in the country.  Unable to use the commons, huge numbers of peasants were bankrupted off their land.  And with little land devoted to raising grain, grain shortages occurred and bread prices for the urban poor skyrocketed.  The result was bread riots in the cities and anti-enclosure demonstrations and land occupations in the countryside.  In the latter case, peasants would tear up the newly grown hedges that enclosed what had been common land, then they would dig into the land and plant crops.  Hence these protesters were called Diggers.

In 1607, a group of some five thousand peasants known as the Diggers of Warwickshire addressed a petition to King James I asking for help against the landlords.  Frequently citing the Bible, they claimed the enclosures were an offense against the King since they “deprive his most true harted (sic) communaty (sic)” of the right to live.  James responded by calling their petition “a wicked instrument” and sending troops that slaughtered hundreds of the peasants.[11]

The parallel of James’ response to the protesters with that of Coriolanus couldn’t be closer.  Shakespeare was not only aware of the events in Warwickshire when he completed Coriolanus in 1608, he incorporated the arguments and the very language of the Diggers’ petition into the opening scene of the play in which a group of citizens representing the hungry Roman populace debate with a spokesperson for the Roman patricians.  In their petition, for example, the Diggers repeatedly spoke of themselves as members of a body politic – “We members of the whole” –  that was being starved by greedy landlords. The metaphor of a political body that is made up of members that serve different functions and need to be cared for is at the center of the debate between the protesters and the patricians in Coriolanus.  Significantly, I think the protesters get the better of the argument in the play.[12]

Changes in warfare that were taking place in seventeenth century England also paralleled those in fifth century BCE Rome.  Just as Rome had moved from the individualized combat of phallic sword fighting to collectivized phalanxes, so too warfare in Shakespeare’s time was moving from the individualized battling of knights in shining armor to the collectivized combat of massed musket-wielding soldiers.

Muskets were newly developed weapons in Europe that shot bullets which could penetrate armor and made armored knights obsolete.  Muskets had smooth barrels, however, which made them extremely imprecise as to aim.  They propelled round lead balls that wobbled down a barrel and then out into the air in the general direction in which the musket was aimed.  An individual musketeer was very unlikely to hit any specific thing at which he was aiming.  But a massed row of musketeers could launch a wall of lead that would mow down an enemy army.

Armored knights were highly trained and skilled warriors whose individualized combats were often heroic as, for example, in Shakespeare’s play Henry V.  As with Roman phalanxes, massed musket warfare required little skill, since aiming a musket was almost irrelevant, and it involved little in the way of individual heroics.  Again, as with the Roman phalanx, heroism was standing together for five minutes longer.  It was, however, massed armies of plebian soldiers that enabled England to become the world’s largest empire.  Individualistic heroes of England’s recent past, such as Henry V, were becoming obsolete in Shakespeare’s time and, I think, this was one of the implications of his play Coriolanus.

Conventional Interpretations: Psychology, Sociology, and Tragedy.

Most interpretations of Coriolanus focus on the character, psychology and personal relations of Coriolanus and on the character, psychology and social relations of the rebellious citizens.  The variety of interpretations of Coriolanus is vast and often contradictory.  There are analyses that focus on Coriolanus’ abilities and actions as a military general and civilian leader, some in praise, others in disparagement. There are characterizations of Coriolanus as a fascist warmonger and a Leninist communist revolutionary.  There are Freudian analyses of Coriolanus as suffering from Oedipal problems with respect to his dominating mother and absent father, and as a repressed homosexual whose sexuality is perverted into violence.  There are laudations of him as a Nietzschean superman who is in fact above it all. There are also various interpretations of the plebians.  These include mob psychology analyses of the plebian crowds in the vein of Gustave Le Bon, Malthusian interpretations of the plebians as exemplifying overpopulation problems in Rome, and Social Darwinian interpretations of the Roman plebian as a useless underclass.

But there are two common factors in almost all these interpretations of the play.  One is that Coriolanus is seen as a tragic figure, a “man of war [who] cannot keep the peace,” but whose underlying soft-heartedness leads him to accede to his mother’s wishes and spare Rome in the end.[13]  The other is that the Roman plebians are seen as an irrational mob who are ignorant, gullible, and easily manipulated by the vile tribunes that supposedly represent them.[14]

The distinguished Shakespearean scholar Harold Goddard claimed, for example, that the way in which Coriolanus concedes to his mother’s wishes at the end of the play shows that he must have been a natural poet as a child.  Despite Coriolanus’ rough language and rude behavior, Goddard insists that “Coriolanus is all tenderness at the center.”  Goddard also dismissed the plebians as ignorant, gullible and fickle.[15]  I don’t agree.

Coriolanus as Comedy:  The Line Between Tragic Hero and Comic Fool.

I think that my contention that Coriolanus is best seen as a comedy can be illustrated by focusing on two scenes, the opening scene where Menenius confronts three plebian citizens with respect to the food shortage in Rome and the scene at the end of the play when Coriolanus accepts his mother’s plea to spare Rome from invasion.

The play opens with the entrance of a group of citizens armed with clubs and other rude weapons.  These are far less murderous than the swords and spears carried by patricians and their soldiers.  Emphasizing the collective nature of the group, only two of them are singled out as individuals by Shakespeare and they are called merely First Citizen and Second Citizen.  These two are the leaders of the group.  The First Citizen opens the play with three statements: “You are all resolved to die than to famish,” then “You know that Caius Martius [Coriolanus]is chief enemy to the people,” and then “Let us kill him, and then we’ll have corn at our own price.”  To each of these statements, the group shouts its approval.

The First Citizen then goes on to explain that they are threatening violence only because the patricians, led by Coriolanus, are hoarding corn and will sell it only at an exorbitant price.  The patricians are taking advantage of the plebians’ plight, the First Citizen claims, and “our sufferance is a gain to them.”  It is significant that the plebians are not demanding free corn or threatening to steal it.  They only want to be able to buy it at “our own price,” that is, a price they can afford.  And although they condemn Coriolanus as “a very dog to the commonalty,” they don’t want to kill him and propose to do so only because he is the chief obstacle to their gaining corn.  They are acting, they say, “in hunger for bread, not in thirst for revenge.”

The way that you read and play these opening lines spoken by the First Citizen are a key to your interpretation of the play.  Harold Goddard speaks for many critics in characterizing the First Citizen as “an egotistical, loud-mouthed, malicious, illogical troublemaker and knave.”[16]   And it is certainly possible to play these lines in that way.  You can merely have the actor say them with a sneer and a leer, have him wave a club around in a murderous way, and you’ve got a demagogue leading an irrational mob.  But, I think if you just look at the lines themselves, they are not the words of a demagogue, and the consent of the crowd to the First Citizen’s speech is not irrational.  The citizens merely want to buy bread because they and their families are hungry, and they need to eliminate the person who is keeping them from doing so.

No sooner has the First Citizen finished speaking than Menenius, who is the main spokesperson for the patricians and chief apologist for Coriolanus, enters to respond to the citizens.  He launches into a speech blaming the food shortage on the gods and defending the control of Rome’s grain by the patricians. He compares the patricians to the belly of the body politic that must take in all the food and then provide sustenance to the rest of the body as best meets the needs of the various body parts.

The argument is so ridiculous that even Goddard compares Menenius to the fool Polonius in Hamlet.  But Goddard and most critics claim that Menenius convinces the even stupider citizens.  Goddard says that the citizens “can only stammer in reply, ‘Ay, sir; well, well’” and stupidly ask “’How apply you this?’” and offer other seeming inanities.[17]  And you certainly can play Menenius as a well-intentioned fool and the citizens as ill-intentioned idiots taken in by his arguments, but I think if you just look at the lines, that is not the best way to play them.

On its face, Menenius’ speech is anything but well-intentioned toward the citizens, especially if you see it in the context of his later conversations with Coriolanus and others in which he expresses the deepest scorn and ill regard for the plebians.  Like Coriolanus, he would just as soon see them starve.  And I think that the citizens are anything but taken in by his arguments.  Their questions and monosyllabic responses should be seen as satirical rather than sincere, which Menenius eventually seems to realize and begins to insult them at the end of his speech.

As Menenius is beginning to insult the citizens, Coriolanus comes onto the scene and his first words to them, without anything having been said to him, are “What’s the matter you dissentious rogues?”  He goes on to call them “curs,” among other insults, and call for them all to be hanged.  At the end of the scene, a messenger comes to inform them all that the Volscians are on attack. Coriolanus rejoices that now “we shall ha’ means to vent our musty superfluity,” that is, rid Rome of troublesome citizens by having them killed by the Volscians in battle.  In this scene, Coriolanus does not look like a tragic hero who is going to fall from a height and suffer more than he deserves.  And Coriolanus, for whom threats are a stock-in-trade, keeps up this kind of over-the-top rhetoric, degrading others and elevating himself, throughout the play.

It is the plebian citizens who come off as the most reasonable people in this scene.  And despite Coriolanus’ implacable opposition to them, they later even grant him leniency when he is convicted of treason and faces execution.  In sum, although the citizens sometimes vacillate, and their tribune spokespersons play political games during the play, they are much more sympathetic characters than Coriolanus.

The scene at the end of the play in which Coriolanus agrees to spare Rome from invasion is almost invariably interpreted as a softening of his heart in response to the emotional appeal of his mother.  But I don’t think that is the best reading of the scene.  In this scene, Coriolanus, after refusing to see any of his Roman friends who want to plead with him to spare Rome, reluctantly accepts a visit from his wife, son, and mother.  He insists on seeing them in the presence of the Volscian commander, Aufidius, to show that he is not doing anything underhanded and to show off his strength of will against any pleas for him to change in his mind.

Through extensive entreaties from his mother, wife and son, Coriolanus stands firm in his intention to destroy Rome until his mother launches into one last-gasp appeal in which she grasps at one argument after another and then, as she is seemingly getting ready to leave in despair, hits on what seem to be the magic words.  “Come, let us go,” she says, and then pointing at Aufidius, continues “This fellow had a Volscian to his mother; His wife is in Corioles, his child like him by chance.  Yet give us our dispatch: I am hushed until our city is afire, and then I’ll speak a little.”  In a flash, Coriolanus changes his mind and decides to spare Rome.  Why?

The conventional view is that his pride is softened.  My view is that his pride is hardened, and that is why he changes his mind.  Coriolanus is a man who needs to see himself as superior to everyone else.  He has already been trying to assert his military superiority over his Volscian commander Aufidius, which has displeased Aufidius.  Now Coriolanus’ mother has implied that if he sacrifices his own mother, wife and child in the attack on Rome, he will be making a sacrifice in the service of Aufidius that Aufidius does not himself have to make.  He will be putting himself at a lower level than Aufidius.  It is this that Coriolanus cannot accept.

Although Coriolanus has already several times rejected his mother’s pleas, he tells Aufidius that she has convinced him, and that Rome will not be invaded.  He gives the order to his commander Aufidius.  He is the one taking charge.  And Aufidius has no choice but to agree.  Coriolanus seems to think he can get away with this because the Volscian soldiers in Aufidius’ army seem to respect and even revere Coriolanus more than they do Aufidius.  Coriolanus has previously turned traitor to Rome by joining the Volscians.  Now he turns traitor on the Volscians, but thinks he is above approach and reproach.  Aufidius, however, has had enough, connives with some assassins to have Coriolanus killed, and that is how the play ends.  Coriolanus falls, but from vain stupidity rather than tragic heroism, and this is the mark of a comedy, not a tragedy.

Trump, Coriolanus and the Present Danger.

Coriolanus is a play about power, politics, and pride.  These are three things that almost invariably go together, and that’s a problem.  It takes a good deal of vanity to seek political office in the first place and if you attain high office, that will itself reinforce your pride.  Then of course, you will likely be surrounded by sycophants and panderers who stoke your pride, plus you will be in a position to exercise power over people and society, and that will feed your pride even more.  It is a vicious cycle in which overweening power can result in overweening pride, and that is not a good thing for anyone.

Set in fifth century BCE Rome, Coriolanus speaks to issues that were relevant to people at that time and place but also to people in Shakespeare’s day and in ours today.  Two issues raised in the play stand out in particular: the resistance of people to change from a more individualistic to a more collectivistic society; and, the threat posed by would-be dictators who would take advantage of that resistance to change to gain absolute power.

Over the long course of history, societies have ebbed and flowed back and forth between more individualistic and more collectivistic social orders and power structures.  Writing today in the spring of 2018 in the United States, we are witnessing in this country and in many other countries around the world the resurgence of would-be authoritarians and autocrats.  These Trumps, Putins, et al are being aided and abetted by billionaires who stand to profit from their support of these would-be dictators.  Coriolanus can help us think about the perils of our situation in the United States in at least two ways, first, by comparing and contrasting Coriolanus with Donald Trump and, second, by comparing and contrasting our political systems with those of fifth century Rome and seventeenth century England.

Coriolanus and Trump have some key similarities.  Both are enormous egotists who think of themselves as above everyone else and above the law, and who try to bully everyone to get their way.  They both use a doomsday strategy in which they threaten total destruction to their opponents and even to their own societies in order to get their way.  Coriolanus threatens to hang the plebians who oppose him and to destroy Rome for having rejected him.  Trump routinely threatens to jail or otherwise destroy his opponents, and periodically threatens nuclear war.

Both also see themselves as the leaders of countries that have the might and therefore the right to rule over other countries.  Coriolanus represents a Rome that in the recent past had essentially been an organized criminal enterprise which routinely conquered and plundered neighboring societies.  In proclaiming a slogan of “America First,” Trump wants Americans to personally pursue their own selfish self-interests above all other considerations, as he always has.  But, he also wants the United States to use its power to extort concessions from other countries in a zero-sum game in which we get more of everything and they get less.

Coriolanus and Trump are also both bloviators.  Goddard claims that Coriolanus is merely a blunt speaker who is too honest to speak in euphemisms.[18]  But I think that in any objective review of Coriolanus’ language you have to conclude that this is a man who cannot or will not control himself so as to speak decently.  And I think that his speeches are best played comically as ludicrous.  Trump is, likewise, incapable of speaking of himself in other than platitudes and of others who disagree with him in other than insults.  He lives in a melodramatic world in which he and his supporters are the good guys and everyone else is a dangerous bad guy.  In Trump’s case, noxiousness is a matter of politics and policy as he tries to garner support by stoking fear and hate, and then showing he scorns the people his supporters fear and hate.  He is ludicrous but also very dangerous in sowing the seeds of bigotry, misogyny, and dissention.

Coriolanus and Trump are both fools, albeit dangerous fools. They are also both destined from the start to fail in the long run unless they bring about the destruction of their respective societies, which Coriolanus could have done if he had gone through with his plans to invade Rome and which Trump could do with a push of the nuclear button.  Coriolanus’ overreaching and overweening pride brought his career to an abrupt end.

Trump and his right-wing supporters will also, I think and hope, fall prey to demographic changes that will foil their plans to restore a nineteenth century regime of individualism, laissez-faire capitalism, and white peoples’ power in the United States.  The population of the country will soon be a majority minority, and young people are overwhelmingly more progressive than their nostalgic regressive elders.  Coriolanus represented the last-gasp of a heroic age as Rome evolved from monarchy to republic, and Trump represents a last-ditch effort of American right-wingers in their century-long battle to keep the nineteenth century from ending.

But the differences between Coriolanus and Trump are also important.  Coriolanus was completely honest, which even his fiercest opponents recognized and admired.  He would not lie or cheat.  In fact, I think Coriolanus was not so much honest as above dishonesty.  Trump is a chronic, almost compulsive, liar and a notorious cheater in business and probably in politics.  He has repeatedly bragged about his sharp business practices, and they may be a factor if he falls from grace as a result of investigations currently ongoing.

Coriolanus was also a brave warrior who repeatedly volunteered for military service and rushed to the most dangerous spots in the battle.  The down-side of this bravery was that he was essentially a thug at the head of a gang of thugs.  He was the guy who could whip everyone else in the gang and so he became their leader.  At the same time, Coriolanus also eschewed adulation and was immune to criticism.  He had a thick skin and he was above any need for praise, but the down-side of this is that he refused correction when he was wrong.  Trump was a draft dodger, and he is seemingly also a coward who has historically gotten others to fight his battles for him.  In turn, Trump lives for adulation and cannot stand criticism.  Trump is clearly a weaker person than Coriolanus, but not necessarily less dangerous for that very reason.

Shakespeare wrote many plays about tyrants and his art often imitated life.  In Coriolanus, he also suggested the potential solution to the problem of tyranny.  In the fifth century BCE, Rome was developing a split government of consuls, senate, tribunes, and popular assemblies, with different institutions representing different groups of people, each of which could check and balance the others, and which required the agreement of all of them to make the society work.  Similarly, in Shakespeare’s time, Parliament, with a patrician House of Lords and a bourgeois House of Commons, along with street demonstrations of the populace, were evolving to check and balance the King.  Things did not always work the way they should have, and both the Roman Republic and Stuart England suffered from repeated conflicts and civil wars.

In the United States today, we have institutions of divided government and separation of powers like those in the Roman Republic and Stuart England but, hopefully, more effective at keeping the peace while saving the country from authoritarians.  The division of powers between the federal government and the state governments and within the federal and various state governments ought to provide sufficient checks and balances on a would-be dictator if these institutions do what they are supposed to do.  In addition, we have a free press that did not exist in either Republican Rome or Stuart England and which provides another check on a potential autocrat.  Finally, we have a free theater which can remind us with plays such as Coriolanus of the dangers we face and the collective institutions we need to rely on to meet those dangers. With supports such as these, we can hopefully keep Trump and company from turning what is already bad enough as a dark comedy into a disastrous melodrama.

B.W.  5/18

Postscript: 2018 Stratford Ontario Festival Production.

A Shameful Production: Promoting authoritarianism.

I recently had the mixed pleasure of attending a performance of Coriolanus at the Stratford Festival.  The production was awesome.  The interpretation was awful.  Worse than awful, it was shameful.

Coriolanus is a play that features protests against the mistreatment of the lower classes, warnings about the rise of dictators, and arguments in favor of checks and balances in government.  These were developments in the sixth century BCE when Coriolanus lived and in early seventeenth century when Shakespeare lived.  And they are still critical issues today.  Shakespeare was clearly sympathetic with all three of these developments.  But you would not know that from the interpretation that has been given to the play at Stratford this year.

To the contrary, the play is staged as a glorification of the authoritarianism of Coriolanus. In an age of Trump, Putin, and other authoritarians and would-be dictators, how could the Stratford management let this be the interpretation of their play?

Awesome Staging: Now you see it, now you don’t.

The director Robert Lepage is a genius when it comes to staging the play and using lights and other technologies to enhance his production.  Just as one example that I can describe simply: He had Coriolanus get into a car on the stage and then drive through a series of landscapes, with the illusion of movement perfect.  The other illusions are too complicated for me to describe in a few words, but walls came and went with a change of light, people were in one place then another in a flash, stage sets moved from one place to another… I have no idea how he did these things, but they worked.  They were not just high-tech gimmickry aiming to distract and entertain.  The gimmicks added to the story.  It was the sort of thing you can imagine Shakespeare doing if he had had the technology.  Brilliant.

Awful Interpretation: Tragic or Fitting Death?

Lepage’s interpretation of the play is something else.  He has Coriolanus played as a man whose public persona is overly proud and harsh but who is actually humble and warmhearted underneath.  Coriolanus is played as a misunderstood hero whose disdain of the masses is justified and whose death results from a softhearted response to his mother’s pleas to spare Rome.  Lepage has the masses of people played as idiots and the tribunes as scoundrels.  He has Menenius played as a wise elder statesman rather than a long-winded fool.  These are very different than as I see them and as I have described in the essay above.

And Lepage has Coriolanus killed by one of Tullus’ men in a moment of anger rather than as a result of Tullus’ connivance as Shakespeare wrote it.  Lepage has Coriolanus’ death played as tragedy.  But I disagree.  I think Coriolanus got the death that he wanted as proof of his superiority as he would see it, and as proof to us of his overweening pride.

Coriolanus’ pose all along has been that of a man who is above everyone and everything.  He disdains praise because he considers himself above those who would praise him.  He disdains reward for his service because he will not demean himself to be seen as acting heroically for gain.  He even disdains the idea of public service because service implies he is beneath those whom he is serving.  When he agrees to spare Rome from the Volscian army, he is asserting his superiority over his commander Tullus.  And when Tullus has him killed, Tullus is effectively admitting that he is jealous of Coriolanus and that Coriolanus is his superior.

Earlier in the play, when Coriolanus first went over to the Volscians, he challenged Tullus to either accept him into the Volscian army or kill him.  Coriolanus was thereby challenging Tullus either to work with Coriolanus or to admit that Coriolanus was too big for Tullus to handle, that Coriolanus would outshine him. This is just what happened and is why Tullus had Coriolanus killed.  Shakespeare seems to be portraying this as a fitting death, not a tragic one, that confirmed Coriolanus’ pride and crowned his proudful life.  Coriolanus was a hero for another time but a harmful fool in his own.

B.W.  June 16, 2018

Footnotes:

[1] Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1954.

[2]Jared Diamond. The Third Chimpanzee: The Evolution and Future of the Human Animal.  New York: Harper Perennial, 1993. Pp. 220-221, 276-310.   David Sloane Wilson Evolution of Everyone. New York: Delacorte Press. 2007. Pp.51-57, 285.

[3]Aristotle. Poetics. New York: Hill & Wang, 1961. P.59. Kenneth Burke. Attitudes Toward History. Boston: Beacon Press. 1961. P. 41. Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.1954. Pp.82-100.

[4] Aristotle. Poetics. New York: Hill & Wang, 1961. Pp. 61, 81-86. Kenneth Burke. Attitudes Toward History. Boston: Beacon Press, 1961. Pp.37, 39.  Paul Goodman. The Structure of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1954. Pp.35, 172.

[5] Plutarch. “The Life of Coriolanus.”  The Parallel Lives. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966.

[6] H.R. Oliver. “Coriolanus As Tragic Hero.” Shakespeare Quarterly, 1959. P.53.

[7] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.209.

[8] Frank Kermode. The Age of Shakespeare.  New York: Modern Library, 2004. P.173.

[9] Scott Palmer. “Timely Tragedy.” Bag and Baggage Productions, 6/23/16.

[10] Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. P.244.

[11] Steve Hindle. “Imagining Insurrection in Seventeenth Century England: Representations of the Midland Uprising of 1607.” University of Warwick, 2018.

[12] Michael Wood. Shakespeare. New York: Basic Books, 2003. P.298.

[13] Jonathan Bate.  “Introduction.” Coriolanus. New York: Modern Library, 2011. P. VIII.  Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. P.244

[14]  Frank Kermode. The Age of Shakespeare.  New York: Modern Library, 2004. P 170.  Jonathan Bate.  “Introduction.” Coriolanus. New York: Modern Library, 2011. P.XII. Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. P.246. Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. Pp. 218, 232, 234.

[15] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.223.

[16] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.210.

[17] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. P.232.

[18] Harold Goddard.

“The Comedy of Errors” or the Errors of Comedy. Shakespeare does Saint Paul (the saint, not the city). What’s in your Conscience?

The Comedy of Errors or the Errors of Comedy.

Shakespeare does Saint Paul (the saint, not the city).

What’s in your Conscience?

Burton Weltman

“Wives be subject to your husbands…

Children obey your parents…

Slaves, obey your earthly masters with fear and trembling.”

Letter to Ephesians.  Saint Paul.   

 

1. Funny is a Point of View?

“Everything is funny as long as it is happening to somebody else.”  Will Rogers.

A play opens in what may be a courtroom.  A meek and mild elderly gentleman is addressing a stern-looking government official.  In the opening lines of the play, the old man says: “Proceed, Solinus, to procure my fall. And by the doom of death end woes and all.”  That is, the old man is telling the official, whose name is Solinus, to go ahead and execute him.

In succeeding lines, we learn that the scene is taking place in a city called Ephesus and that the condemned man is a merchant named Egeon who is from Syracuse.  Solinus is the ruling Duke of Ephesus.  In sentencing Egeon to death, Solinus explains that even though Egeon is innocent of harm to anyone, and may be a great guy to boot, the law does not permit any exceptions and “Excludes all pity from our threat’ning looks.”

Egeon’s crime?   Egeon is a Syracusan and Syracusans have been banned from Ephesus on penalty of death due to some ancient trade dispute.  Egeon has been traveling around looking for his long-lost son and innocently happened to land in Ephesus in that quest.  The only thing that can save Egeon’s life is the payment of a large sum of money that he does not have.  At the end of the scene, Egeon is taken away by the jailer to await his execution the next day.

The rest of the play takes place during this same day before Egeon’s scheduled execution.  The impending execution casts a pall over the whole of the play.  All else must be seen in light of Egeon’s desperate situation.  Or should.  Does this seem like the setup for what is usually performed as a light-hearted comedy?

2.  The Plot: What a Tangled Web We Weave.

“The laughter of man is more terrible than his tears, and takes more forms, hollow, heartless, mirthless, maniacal.”  James Thurber.

The play I am describing is Shakespeare’s The Comedy of Errors (hereafter Comedy).  Comedy is a very clever mishmash of misidentification and misdirection involving two sets of identical twins.  The backstory of Comedy is that Egeon and his wife had identical twin sons.  They bought two slaves for their sons who were themselves identical twin brothers.  The whole bunch of them were shipwrecked and Egeon lost his wife, one of his sons, and one of the slave boys.

Thereafter, Egeon renamed his remaining son and the remaining slave with the names of the lost son and slave, Antipholus and Dromio, respectively, and they grew up with him in Syracuse.  After many years passed, Egeon went in search of his lost son and Antipholus independently went off with his slave on the same quest for his lost brother.

As the play opens, Egeon and Antipholus have unbeknownst to each other coincidentally landed in Ephesus, where Egeon quickly ran afoul of the law.  Meanwhile, Antipholus and his slave went about the town and got into trouble of their own.  As it happened, the long-lost son and his slave had been washed ashore from the shipwreck in Ephesus, where the son grew up, married a woman named Adriana, and prospered.  His name, of course, is Antipholus and his slave is named Dromio.

The two sons of Egeon and the two slaves are still identical, and they bear the same names, so neither they nor anyone else can tell each from the other. The resulting confusion, as masters and slaves misidentify each other, the Ephesian wife of the long-lost brother mistakes his Syracusan twin for her husband, and various merchants and public officials mistake the twin masters and twin slaves for each other, is madcap.

But it is also brutal. In Shakespeare’s stage directions for the play, the slaves are beaten at least five times, and there are almost continual threats of more beatings, some of which could be taking place offstage.  The Ephesian brother repeatedly threatens violence against his wife and her maid.  He buys a rope with which to beat his wife and begins to do so before being stopped. Meanwhile, his wife makes threats against him, and she beats a quack healer.  Both brothers are variously assaulted, arrested and bound by law officers.  There is rough language and physical contact when the brothers are accosted by merchants for the payment of debts.  The Ephesian brother tries violently to break into a house (albeit, his own) while his Syracusan twin brandishes a sword and threatens to kill anyone who gets in his way.

The play is also full of oppression and repression, full of people kissing up and kicking down.  Higher-ups routinely oppress and repress their inferiors in the social hierarchy – masters against slaves, husbands against wives, wives against servants, government officials against citizens, citizens against foreigners.  Higher-ups frequently threaten and hit their subordinates for making mistakes.  In turn, the play is full of complaints by the oppressed slaves, wives and others against their oppressors.  Ephesus is not a happy or peaceful place.

In the end, Egeon and his two sons are reunited, as are the two slave brothers, and Egeon’s long-lost wife, whom no one seems to have been looking for, turns up as the abbess of an Ephesian priory.  In the last lines of the play, Egeon’s Ephesian son is seemingly going to come up with the money to save Egeon’s life.  A close call for Egeon, but a happy ending, and all is well that ends well.  But is it?

How are we supposed to take the violence and oppression in this play?  Is the play merely a slapstick farce in which the violence is of the Punch-and-Judy or Three Stooges type in which no one is really hurt and which we are, therefore, not supposed to take seriously?  Slapstick as a form of comedy was developed during the sixteenth century in Europe.  Shakespeare was aware of this comic form and used slapstick elements in many of his plays.  But maybe this is more than mere slapstick.  Maybe we are supposed to take the violence and oppression seriously, even if humorously?  Most interpreters think the former.  I opt for the latter.

3.  Conventional Interpretations: Full of Sound and Funny albeit Signifying Nothing.

“The shortest distance between two people is laughter.”  Victor Borge.

Comedy is almost invariably seen as a light-hearted slapstick farce.  Performed in this way, it can be hilarious.  The misidentifications are brilliantly crafted, and can be vehicles for wonderfully clownish performances, especially in the roles of the slaves.  The pending execution of Egeon is conveniently forgotten in this interpretation. That and other missteps in the script are attributed to the fact that Comedy is one of Shakespeare’s earliest plays and represents the level of his skill when he was still learning his stagecraft.  For detractors of the play, this is a flaw. For supporters, it is part of its charm.

Harold Goddard, a highly regarded Shakespearean scholar of the mid-twentieth century and a supporter of the play, conditioned his appreciation of Comedy on a distinction between comedy and farce.  Goddard contended that comedy is based on genuine conflicts among significant characters whereas farce is based on merely “manufacturing a misunderstanding and letting the audience in on it.”  Farce, he contended is “a cheap but infallible recipe for making a play.”  This, Goddard claimed, is what Shakespeare did in Comedy.  Despite its title, it was not really a comedy but merely a farce.  Nonetheless, while conceding that the play exemplifies “an inferior dramatic type,” and that its structure is mechanical with its characters mere “puppets,” Goddard still concluded that it is a wonderful example of “pure theater” and “a masterpiece of its kind.”[1]

Mark Van Doren, another highly regarded mid-twentieth century Shakespearean scholar, was not so sanguine.  While his analysis of the mechanics of the play was similar to Goddard’s, he differed with Goddard in his final judgment.  Van Doren belittled Comedy as an “unfeeling farce,” funny but with no emotional or intellectual depth.  It is a contrived comedy of “situation” made up of mechanical plot manipulations. The characters are, in turn, mere “marionettes” that are manipulated to cheap comic ends by the playwright and have little personality of their own.  Ephesus is, in turn, a silly “city of slapstick,” full of foolishness that signifies nothing.[2]

The contemporary Shakespearean scholar Michael Wood differs with both Goddard and Van Doren in his estimation of the structure of Comedy. Where they saw it as contrived and wooden, he says it “is very cleverly plotted” and “works a treat with its helter-skelter action.”  Wood’s final judgement is that the play is “brilliant” and that it shows Shakespeare “was becoming an expert at his craft.”[3]  So much for uniformity of opinion among Shakespearean scholars.

Except in one key respect.  While Goddard and Wood loved Comedy and Van Doren did not, each saw the play as a light-hearted comedy that we can laugh at with impunity.  I don’t agree.

4.  Saint Paul’s Challenge: To Have the Conscience of a Christian Conservative.

“Three things will last forever: faith, hope, and charity; and the greatest of these is charity.”    1 Corinthians 13:13.   Saint Paul.

Comedy is set in the city of Ephesus. Why Ephesus?  Of all the thousands of cities in the world, why did Shakespeare pick Ephesus?  Ephesus was in what is today Turkey.  It was an ancient city and an early center of Christianity.  It was where Saint Paul lived for several years and where he wrote some of his most important statements about Christian morality and, particularly, about the relations between those with and without power.[4] These statements include his paean to charity in 1 Corinthians.  He later addressed a letter on social relations to Christians in Ephesus, his Letter to Ephesians.  Although Ephesus had long been abandoned by Shakespeare’s time, Elizabethans would have known of the city and about Paul’s writings from and to the city.  And the themes of Paul’s Ephesus writings parallel those in Shakespeare’s play.

Paul was particularly concerned in his Ephesian preaching and writing to try to unite the followers of Jesus, and to eliminate the national and ethnic dissentions among them. He was also concerned to counter radicals among Christians who took literally Jesus’ rejection of wealth and who contended that Christians should live together in communistic equality as Jesus and his Apostles ostensibly had.  These radicals stoked class conflict between the rich and the poor and pitted Christians against each other, a situation that appalled Paul.

Instead of Jesus’ rejection of wealth, Paul focused on Jesus’ admonition to render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s and unto God what is God’s. Consistent with this dictum, he admonished those without earthly power to pay obeisance to those with earthly power, meaning that slaves should obey their masters, wives their husbands, children their parents.  Underlings in general should bow to their overlords.  At the same time, Paul insisted that those with power and wealth must treat with charity those who were without.  Citizens should treat foreigners with respect, husbands should respect their wives and children, rich people should care for the poor.

In his Letter to Ephesians, Paul implored the Ephesians to “be completely humble and gentle” toward each other and toward strangers, “keep the unity of the Spirit through the bond of peace,” and live together in peace and harmony. In 1 Corinthians, he proclaimed the supervening importance of charity above all things, especially for the rich and powerful.  Paul preached that the purpose of wealth was to give the rich an opportunity to practice charity toward the poor and for the poor to practice humility toward the rich.  If a rich man refuses to give alms to the poor, he is effectively stealing from the poor man and abusing one of God’s children.  If a poor man rejects his lowly status and aspires to be rich, he is effectively rejecting God’s social order.

Paul’s dicta became the heart of Catholic social doctrine during the Middle Ages.  It was a doctrine that we might call Christian conservatism.  People should faithfully occupy whatever stations in life God had placed them but should also help those in positions lower than themselves.  All people deserved respect and care as God’s creatures.  Some radical Christians even claimed that if a rich man refused alms to the poor, the poor man had the right to steal from him.  And some more extreme Christians resurrected the idea of Apostolic communistic equality.  These extremists were abominated by the Church and generally exterminated by the nobility.

Shakespeare lived at a time that we recognize as a major historical turning point when medieval European society was giving way to what we think of as modern society.  Medieval European society had been based on feudal ties of personal loyalty among powerful nobles and between lordly nobles and lowly serfs.  Medieval culture had been based around the teachings of the Catholic Church, which included the homilies of Saint Paul, Saint Thomas Aquinas and many others who insisted on the obeisance of underlings and the charity of overlords.

Modern European society was in Shakespeare’s time evolving toward a more impersonal basis, emphasizing contractual relations between people in which bargaining for the best deal replaced loyalty.[5]  Moral imperatives changed.  Self-help became the ideal rather than mutual support.  God now ostensibly helped people who helped themselves, and not people who could not productively contribute to society. Personal wealth was no longer seen as an opportunity to be charitable to poor individuals.  It was, instead, now considered an opportunity to generate more personal wealth from which society as a whole would ostensibly benefit in a trickle-down effect.

Charity and alms to the poor became widely considered a waste of good resources that could otherwise be used in productive investment.  This was a very different justification for the wealth of the rich than the previous doctrine of Christian charity.  Although many still held to the old doctrines, and there were radicals who still proclaimed a communistic doctrine of perfect equality, a morality of personal freedom was replacing an ethic of community obligations.

Shakespeare’s plays express an ambivalence between the medieval ideals of personal loyalty and communal obligations and the modern mantra of personal freedom, with even an occasional nod by him toward an ethic of equality.  For the most part, he seems to lean toward what we might today call a compassionate conservatism, someone who favored a social hierarchy but also fair treatment to all.  He generally portrays hierarchy in a positive light and radical social disrupters in the negative.  He portrays generous characters positively, greedy and excessively ambitious characters negatively.  He rejects disloyalty, disruption and disorder, and hates unreasonable and unruly mobs.  His ideal seems to be power leavened by conscience.  As such, Shakespeare seems to follow Saint Paul’s Ephesian principles, and Comedy can be seen as a dramatization of Paul’s strictures and a commentary on them

5.  An Alternative Interpretation: Guilty Laughter and a Mirror on Our Worse Selves.

“Laughter is nothing else but sudden glory arising from some sudden conception of some eminency in ourselves, by comparison with the infirmity of others.”  Thomas Hobbes.

While Comedy is almost invariably taken to be a light-hearted farce, I think that this is taking the play too lightly and that, instead, it should be seen as a serious-minded morality play dressed up as a farce.  It is a play that is intended to make us laugh but then ask ourselves what we are laughing about and whether we should be laughing.

This interpretation is supported both by the dialogue and action in the play and by the similarity of the play’s themes to the Ephesian teachings of Saint Paul.  The tension between obedience and social order on the one hand and charity and social justice on the other were at the core of Paul’s preaching from and to Ephesus.  They are also at the core of Comedy.

Each of the first three scenes of the play sets up a theme of social injustice, and a tension between obedience and fairness.  Each of these scenes opens with and focuses on a form of social oppression, first against Christian foreigners, then against slaves, and finally against women. Each also contains some very eloquent complaints by the oppressed against their repressive conditions.  The play thereafter repeatedly portrays these conflicts through the dialogue and interaction of the characters.  It is the sort of behavior that provoked Saint Paul’s Letter to Ephesians and that he hoped to counter with an appeal to Christian charity.

In the first scene, as we have already seen, Egeon is condemned to death in a most cruel fashion.  His pleas of innocence and extenuating circumstances are coldly met with rejection.  The Duke’s parting words to Egeon that “Thou art doomed to die. Jailer, take him to thy custody,” are chilling.  Egeon closes the scene lamenting “Hopeless and helpless doth Egeon wend. But to procrastinate his lifeless end.”  Saint Paul would almost certainly have condemned the laws of Ephesus as they appear in this play and the behavior of Ephesians towards Syracusans like Egeon as uncharitable and un-Christian, and Shakespeare’s audience would likely have agreed.

In the opening lines of the second scene, immediately after we have seen Egeon unfairly condemned to death, his son the Syracusan brother, having no idea what has just happened to his father, gives money to his Syracusan slave and orders him to undertake some tasks.  The brother finishes his orders with a harsh and imperious “Get thee away.” The Syracusan slave responds to his master’s harsh tone in an aside in which he says “Many a man would take you at your word and go indeed, having so good a mean [opportunity].”  That is, the slave indicates he is so badly treated, he really ought to take literally his master’s orders to go away, take the money and run.

The slave grumpily decides not to run off, but his master, having no idea or interest in what the slave is thinking or feeling, then says to a nearby colleague that the slave is “A trusty villain [slave]” and often “Lightens my humour with his merry jests.”  The master ignorantly and stupidly thinks the slave is devoted to him and happy with his lowly position in life.

This interchange is reminiscent of the history of slavery in nineteenth century America.  Slaves in the antebellum South would be seen by their masters singing and jesting, and the masters would conclude that the slaves were happy with their lot.  In reality, the slaves were frequently singing and joking about their hardships and their longing for freedom.  The song “Go Down Moses” was, for example, a plea for a modern-day leader to help them escape, not merely a religious devotional.

The rest of this second scene consists of misunderstandings between the Syracusan brother and the Ephesian slave.  The Syracusan brother thinks the Ephesian slave is his Syracusan slave, while the Ephesian slave thinks the Syracusan brother is his Ephesian master. These misunderstandings end with the Syracusan brother beating the Ephesian slave.  That is, instead of the Syracusan master asking what would seem to be some obvious questions to the slave that might have revealed the truth of the situation, the master resorts to the violence that is inherent in master-slave relationships and beats the slave.  In sum, as with the opening scene in which Egeon is condemned, Shakespeare has in the opening of this second scene set up a theme of social injustice and social conflict of the sort addressed by Saint Paul in his Letter to Ephesians.

In the opening of the very next scene, the first scene of the second act, Shakespeare sets up yet another social justice theme, that of the unfeeling domination of husbands over their wives.  In this scene, Adriana, the Ephesian brother’s wife, launches a powerful attack on the injustices of marriage.  Her husband, the Ephesian brother, is late for his dinner which she has taken great pains to prepare on time.

When Adriana complains of this to her unmarried sister, the sister sanctimoniously says that “A man is master of his liberty,” and that husbands can come and go as they please. In essence, she tells Adriana that she should just like it or lump it.  Adriana replies “Why should their liberty than ours be more?”  The sister responds that Adriana’s husband “is the bridle of your will,” to which Adriana retorts “There’s none but asses will be bridled so.”

Adriana charges her sister with hypocrisy because while the sister preaches that wives should pay obeisance to their husbands’ whims, she is herself unwed.  “This servitude makes you to keep unwed,” Adriana claims.  She says it’s easy for her sister to preach the virtue of patience because “thou, that hast no unkind mate to grieve thee.”  A spinster has no right to counsel a wife to be obedient to her husband when the spinster has no husband to limit her own freedom.  Adriana then proceeds to beat her husband’s slave for failing to bring her husband home with him for dinner, an example of the kicking down that occurs in the play.

An irony of the oppressive conditions portrayed in these scenes is that the slaves do not revolt or run away and the wife accepts her husband back.  The oppressed are not liberated in this play.  At most, they get back at their oppressors through smart retorts.  They return physical abuse with verbal abuse, often such that their oppressors don’t understand they have been insulted.  And that seems to be the point.

It has long been noted that as part of the master-slave relationship slaves often identify with their masters and establish their own identities in connection with their masters.  In turn, masters establish their identities as a reflection of their slaves.  Neither can see himself or do without the other.  We can see that exemplified in Comedy both in the way the oppressed stick with their oppressors but also in the way the oppressors accept a fair degree of insubordination from their underlings.  The oppressed are not content but their ability to respond and rebel is limited mostly to repartee and to subtly making fun of their masters.  It is this repartee by the slaves and Adriana that is, I think, the real humor and fun in the play.

6.  Talking the Walk and Walking the Talk: You Talkin’ to Me?

“The human race has one really effective weapon, and that is laughter.”  Mark Twain.

Comedy consists mostly of dialogue between people who are misidentifying each other and communicating at cross purposes with each other.  The conventional way to play this dialogue is as light-hearted almost giddy repartee in which each party gives as good as he or she gets as though they are almost equals.  But there is another way this can be played that better recognizes the power differences between the characters.  In particular, the speeches by the underlings can be better played as either timorously trying to court the favor of their superiors through humor, or passive-aggressively getting back at their superiors through subtly disguised insult.

For example, in the second scene described above, the Syracusan brother mistakes the Ephesian slave as his own slave to whom he had given a thousand marks of money.  When the Syracusan brother asks the Ephesian slave to give him his marks, the slave is nonplussed, thinking he is being addressed by his Ephesian master who has not given him any money. The Ephesian slave responds to the man he thinks is his master as follows: “I have some marks of yours upon my pate, some of my mistress’ marks upon my shoulders, but not a thousand marks between you both.  If I should pay your worship those again, perchance you will not bear them patiently.”  That is, the slave is saying that he is often beaten by his master and mistress, he has marks on his body to prove it, and he is wishing to be able to inflict similar punishment on his master, if that is what his master is insisting that he do.

This response is a subversive form of verbal rebellion couched in a submissive phraseology.  It would have been hard for his Ephesian master to object to the subtle tone of this response.  Since, however, it is the Syracusan brother whom the slave is addressing, not the Ephesian brother, and the Syracusan brother thinks he is being addressed by his own Syracusan slave to whom he has given a substantial amount of money, the Syracusan brother responds by beating the Ephesian slave.  As previously noted, a few simple questions by the Syracusan brother could have cleared the whole thing up, and possibly ended the play.  But he responds as an imperious master and not as a good Christian as Paul would have him do.  The play is full of this sort of interchange in which the slaves and women get the better of the verbal joust but the masters are able to impose their physical and legal will on the underlings.

The subversive humor of the slaves in the play is similar to that of the slaves in the antebellum American South.  Humor was a weapon against despair.  Laughing was an alternative to crying and a creative way to do good in the world, to create joy out of suffering.  Making fun of oneself was a way of taking some of the sting out of one’s humiliation by putting into one’s humor.  Humor could even turn humiliation into humility, a cardinal Christian virtue.  And humor was a way of sticking it to the masters without their knowing.  It was a subversive way for the last to become first.[6]

Although Shakespeare generally seems in this play to be a conservative supporter of social hierarchy, the play ends in a most subversive way.  It closes with everyone disclosed as who they really are, and all seemingly reconciled with each other. The characters then leave the stage, seemingly in order of their social rank, to have dinner. In the last words and action of the play, the two slave brothers, the lowliest and therefore the last to go, debate who should precede the other as they leave.  Since they are identical twins, neither is the elder who would deserve precedence. They first think of picking cards to see who goes first, but then decide to go in together, side by side. “We came into the world like brother and brother. And now let’s go hand in hand, not one before another.”

This last statement is perhaps the most radical and telling in the play.  It is effectively an assertion of human equality and, implicitly, a rejection of the hierarchical views expressed in Saint Paul’s dictum on social inequality.  As I see this scene playing out, all of the other characters are very careful to exit in order of their social rank, with a good deal of sorting out amongst them before they march off.  They are very concerned to get the social hierarchy just right.  The two slaves then, instead of leaving according to some hierarchical ranking system, insist on going forward on the basis of equality.  So, is Shakespeare implying that we all come into the world as brothers and should proceed thereafter as equals?  Was he leaving his audience something really radical to think about?

7.  Grimm and Grimmer: A Mirror on our Better and Worse Selves?

“Perhaps I know best why it is man alone who laughs; he alone suffers so deeply that he had to invent laughter.”  Friedrich Nietzsche.

I am writing this essay in the spring of 2018.  These are grim times for most of us in the United States and in much of the world.  If people want to seek escape in light-hearted comedies, I have no problem with that and I do it myself.  So, I don’t want to be a spoil-sport or unnecessarily hard-hearted in my analysis of Comedy.  But neither do I want to participate in sugar-coating brutality and oppression, which is what I think is done in conventional interpretations of the play.  To do so is to encourage callousness and indifference to the suffering of others.  Drama is supposed to encourage us to empathize with others, not be insensitive.

It has been said that comedy is like a mirror of society.  It is a good indication of who we are and where we are going.  In my observation and experience, there has been a tendency in recent years to Disney-ize Shakespeare’s comedies, that is, to take the sting out of them the way Walt Disney took the sting out of the Grimm Brothers’ fairy-tales.  There has also been a tendency to Rambo-ize some of the tragedies, that is, to emphasize and romanticize the fighting and pyrotechnics.  These are seemingly well-intentioned efforts to attract a new and younger audience to see Shakespeare.  But I think these efforts have unintended negative consequences and are essentially a reflection of our worse selves.

Playing Comedy as a light-hearted slapstick farce falls into the trap of laughing at the cruelty done to others which is not, I think, where most of us want to be or be going.  The question is whether one can play Comedy truthfully but also hopefully, seriously but also comically?  I think one can.  The key, as I have indicated above, is the way in which one approaches and plays the dialogues between overlords and underlings, and how one stages their physical interactions.

The overlords, that is, the masters, husbands, and male government officials, should be played as lordly and imperious.  The underlings, that is, the slaves, women, and commoners, should be played as clearly subservient and either timorously seeking favor or slyly seeking verbal revenge.  The underlings should demonstrate resentment in gestures unseen by their overlords, and in the tone of their voices, even when they relent to the commands of their overlords.

The overlords should literally walk over the underlings, not only through beating and pushing them around, but also through expecting them to jump out of the way, similar to the way white Southerners in the United States expected (and some still do) blacks to cower and duck when a white person walked by.  I think that these interactions can still be funny but only from the point of view of the underlings.  It is their reactions and coping mechanisms that should provide the humor, not their humiliation.

And the plight of Egeon should not be forgotten.  He should be kept visible somewhere in the back of the stage throughout the play, in chains and isolated in some sort of a cell.  The overriding cruelty of the situation in Ephesus should not be overlooked.  He could act as a silent witness, commenting on his own desperate situation and on the action in gestures to the audience that the other characters cannot see.  His gesturing can be both comic and pathetic.  That would make his situation both part of the humor but also part of the morality of the story.

Comedy comes in many different forms but one element that is common to virtually all comedy is the foolishness of at least one of the characters in the story.  It is the errors of fools that produce the plot-line and the laughter.  One of the key questions about a comedy is whether the audience is laughing at or laughing with the foolish characters.  If the audience is laughing at the characters, the comedy may promote the vanity of the members of the audience, setting us up as beings who can see ourselves as superior to the fools.  The philosopher Thomas Hobbes, a younger contemporary of Shakespeare, held that laughter was a function of rejoicing at our own successes and the failures of others.  Comedy was, for him, laughing at others.

Most Elizabethan comedy was of this Hobbesian sort, as essentially a form of cruelty.  Hobbes saw the world in what we would call zero-sum terms in which my laughter is a function of my winning and your losing.  Some of Shakespeare’s comedies and some of the comic characters in his tragedies include cruel humor of this sort.  I think, however, that Shakespeare’s Comedy is more an example of laughing with rather than at the fools.

If an audience is laughing with the characters, comedy can serve as a means of self-criticism or humbling for the audience, holding us up to a mirror for self-examination.  In empathizing and identifying with the losers in the play, we can open ourselves to the idea that ‘There but for the grace of God go I” that Saint Paul was trying to instill in the Ephesians of his day.

Comedy should be played in such a way that the humor results from the self-awareness of the underlings, from their comic self-deprecating remarks and their verbal take-downs of the overlords.  Mark Twain has said that humor is the ultimate weapon, and that it is a weapon of necessity for the oppressed both against their own feelings of helplessness and against the arrogance of their oppressors.  This is what one can see in Comedy.  The young Shakespeare may have lacked subtlety in the mechanics of his play, but he did not lack nuance in its themes.

The title of the play, The Comedy of Errors, can itself be seen as a self-deprecating redundancy.  A comedy is by definition a tale triggered by errors.  Errors, fools, and foolishness are what comedy is all about. It is the source of the plot and the humor.  So, to call something a comedy of errors is effectively to say it is a comedy of comedy or an error of errors.  Such a title is either foolishness in itself or implies there is something erroneous about calling the play a comedy.  It may imply that the play is in the form of a comedy but may not be funny after all.  Shakespeare seems to be making fun of himself in the titling of his play.  And he may be telling us that we can laugh at the humor in Comedy, but not without some discomfort and concern for why we are laughing.  That is the moral and morality of the play.

B.W.  5/18

Postscript: 2018 Stratford Ontario Festival Production.

Silly instead of Satirical:

I recently attended a performance of The Comedy of Errors at the Stratford Festival.  It was very well staged, with an excellent cast of comic character actors.  But it was for the most part just a silly slapstick farce and failed to take advantage of the opportunities for social satire and social criticism that I have suggested in the essay above.

This failure is particularly disappointing since the director has made some very interesting changes in the genders of some of the characters.  He has one set of Antipholus and Dromio as men and the other set as women.  He has the Duke dressed in woman’s clothes and the courtesan is a transvestite.  These changes work well with the play and they could provide support for an interpretation that focused on the mistreatment of women, slaves and foreigners in the play.

                                                                                                                                    B.W.  6/12/18

Footnotes:

[1] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. Pp.23,26-27.

[2] Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review of Books, 2005. Pp.33-36.

[3] Michael Wood. Shakespeare. New York: Basic Books, 2003. P.156.

[4] On Saint Paul’s social and moral ideas, see What Paul Meant by Garry Wills. New York: Viking Press, 2006.

[5] For a brilliant analysis of Comedy as a clash between medieval and modern legal norms, see Eric Heinze. “’Were it not against our laws’: oppression and resistance in Shakespeare’s Comedy of Errors.” Legal Studies. Vol.29. Issue 2. 4/8/09.

[6] See the brilliant discussion of slave culture and humor in Eugene Genovese. Roll Jordan Roll: The World the Slaves Made. New York: Vintage Books, 1976.

Shakespeare’s “Twelfth Night, or As You Will.” A Masquerade of Fools, Fooling and Con(wo)men.

Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night, or As You Will.

A Masquerade of Fools, Fooling and Con(wo)men.

 Burton Weltman

“The silliest woman can manage a clever man;

But it needs a clever woman to manage a fool.”

Rudyard Kipling

Prologue: First Impressions.

What to make of the Duke Orsino?  The Duke opens the first scene of Shakespeare’s play Twelfth Night with the beautiful lines “If music be the food of love, play on; Give me excess of it, that surfeiting, the appetite may sicken and so die.”  He continues for a short time thereafter to wax poetically about wanting to listen to music until he sickens of love, but then suddenly tells the musicians to stop playing because he is sick of the music, not sick of love?  Would we say he is (a) a romantic soul; (b) a melancholy lover; or, (c) a narcissistic fool?  Most interpreters of the play say something like (a) or (b).  I would suggest (c).

What to make of Viola?  Having been shipwrecked on the shores of Orsino’s dukedom at the beginning of the second scene of the play, she asks whether the Duke is still unmarried and then, having heard that he is still a bachelor, proposes to make her fortune in Illyria by insinuating herself in disguise in the Duke’s household?  Would we say she is (a) a naively pure soul; (b) a goddess of good; or, (c) an adventuress on the make?  Virtually all interpreters of the play say something like (a) or (b).  I would suggest (c).

What to make of a play that is so full of high jinks and tomfoolery, that is set in a country so comfortable as Illyria, and that has happy endings in marriage all around?  Interpreters invariably see it as a mere entertainment, a brilliant distraction, full of sound and festivity, but signifying nothing.  I do not agree.  I think that Shakespeare intended the play as a dire warning to his countrymen about the future of their country, and it contains a message that may be relevant to us today.

These are my first impressions of Twelfth Night.  They run counter to most conventional interpretations of the play.  The purpose of this essay is to elaborate on these first impressions, and offer an alternative perspective on the work that sees it as both more serious and more fun.

A.  The Title: A Double Name and a Triple-Entendre.

What’s in a play’s title?  With Shakespeare, it is often more than seems at first glance.  The Tragical History of Hamlet, Prince of Denmark is named after the young man who carries on and acts up throughout the play, but his ghostly father who initiates and encourages the young man’s antics is also named Hamlet.  Is that important?  Or take Henry IV, which is really about the future Henry V.  What’s with that?  Or the play Twelfth Night, or As You Will, which seems an odd coupling of phrases.

The title of Twelfth Night is a reference to the last day of the Christmas holidays as they were celebrated in Shakespeare’s day.  The Twelfth Night of Christmas was a time of revelry and masks.  Since the play involves multiple masquerades, connecting it with the Twelfth Night of the Christmas holidays seems appropriate.  In turn, the subtitle “As You Will” complements the reference to the Twelfth Night festivities if you take the phrase as meaning “anything goes.”  The phrase indicates that all sorts of unconventional things are going to happen in this play.

But “As You Will” is a triple-entendre.  It can also mean “getting your own way,” that is, getting what you want and getting it any way you can.  In this sense, the subtitle seems to be saying that this is a play about people using masks and tomfoolery to get what they want.  That is, it is a play about cons and con(wo)men, and about fools and fooling.  Finally, it can mean “a bequest,” that is, what you leave to your descendants.  In this sense, the subtitle seems to be saying that this is a play about the sorts of inheritance that people leave for the future.  These are meanings that conventional directors and other interpreters don’t get.  And that is the main theme of this essay.

B.  The Plot: What a Tangled Web.

Twelfth Night is a comedy that follows two main plotlines that overlap at key points, and that have an upstairs/downstairs quality to them.  Each plotline is filled with coincidences and surprises.  The upstairs or upper nobility plotline involves the efforts of a duke named Orsino to woo a countess named Olivia, using as his go-between a young woman named Viola who has disguised herself as a man named Cesario.  The outcome of this plot is that Orsino ends up marrying Viola, and Olivia marries Viola’s twin brother Sebastian.

The downstairs or lower nobility plotline involves the efforts of Olivia’s kinsman Sir Toby Belch to con money out of his gull Sir Andrew Aguecheek by promising to help Sir Andrew court Olivia, and using Olivia’s waiting woman Maria as his go-between.  The result of this plot is that Toby ends up marrying Maria, and Andrew sustains a beating at the hands of Sebastian.

In the first plotline, Viola and her twin brother Sebastian have been sailing from their homes in some unnamed someplace for some unspecified reason to some unnamed someplace else, and they have been shipwrecked off the coast of Illyria in the Adriatic Sea.  Each thinks the other has been drowned.  In fact, Viola has been saved by a sea captain and comes ashore in Illyria.  Uncertain about her reception there, she decides to dress up in men’s clothing, pretend to be a eunuch named Cesario, and find employment in the household of Duke Orsino.  The Duke, who is seemingly taken with the good looks and manners of Cesario, employs Cesario as a go-between to help Orsino woo the reluctant Countess Olivia.

Olivia, her mother apparently long dead, has recently lost her father and brother, and insists that she will not entertain any marriage proposals for seven years.  No sooner, however, does Cesario/Viola speak words of love to Olivia on behalf of Orsino, than Olivia falls madly in love with what she thinks is a beautiful young man, and wants to marry him.   Cesario/Viola has meanwhile fallen for Orsino, and wants to marry him.

Although it is clear from their first meeting that Olivia has no interest in what Cesario/Viola has to say on behalf of Orsino, and that Olivia wants Cesario/Viola to make return visits only so that she can woo the ostensible go-between, Cesario/Viola keeps going back, which only increases Olivia’s desire for Cesario/Viola.  Many humorous exchanges ensue between Cesario/Viola and Olivia, and between Cesario/Viola and Orsino, as Cesario/Viola tries to negotiate the three-way relationship, while maintaining her masquerade as a man.

As the play winds down, it turns out that Viola’s twin brother Sebastian has also been saved by a sea captain from drowning.  He shows up in Illyria, where Olivia mistakes him for Cesario and rushes him off to the alter to be married.  Thanking his lucky stars for the chance to be wedded to a good-looking and very wealthy woman, Sebastian blithely goes off to be married to Olivia, a woman he has never met or even seen before.  This leaves the door open for Viola to come out of the closet as a heterosexual woman and be married to Orsino, who is immediately cured of his passion for Olivia and sees that he is really in love with Cesario, that is, Viola.

In the second plotline, Toby Belch is a sluggard and a drunkard, who is living high off the hog at the expense of his niece Olivia.  Toby is also using the money he is conning out of Andrew to drink Andrew under table.  Olivia tries using her Puritanical steward Malvolio to keep Toby in line, but Maria devises a scheme to humiliate Malvolio, and get him off Toby’s back.  The scheme works, and Malvolio eventually runs off as a consequence of his mistreatment.  Toby marries Maria in seeming gratitude for ridding him of Malvolio.

There are several humorous interactions in which Cesario/Viola and Sebastian are mistaken for each other by various characters.  One results in a fight between Andrew and the virile Sebastian, whom Andrew has mistaken for the weak Cesario/Viola, and during which Andrew gets a beating.  Another such mistake results in a violent outburst by Orsino against Cesario/Viola which leads to the unmasking of Cesario/Viola and the various reconciliations that conclude the play.

In the ostensibly happy ending, the dimwitted Orsino marries a conniving woman who he thought was a man, the volatile Olivia marries an opportunistic man whom she has never met, and the sluggard Toby weds a shrewish woman who is his intellectual superior.  Whether and how these relationships will work out after the play has ended seems to me very much in doubt.  Significantly, the action of the play closes with Olivia and Orsino sending couriers after Malvolio to make peace with him and have him return to service.  Olivia’s clown Feste then recites a poem about the ways in which foolish self-indulgence and complacency can get one in trouble.  The audience is left with these words of warning from a clown.

C.  The Setting: Feudalism, Capitalism, and a Once Upon a Time Kingdom.

The historical setting of Twelfth Night is significant for both the location of the story and the social conflicts portrayed in the play.  Once upon a time, there actually was an Illyria.  It was for many centuries a prosperous center of shipbuilding and trade on the shores of the Adriatic Sea.  As a part of the Roman Empire in Ancient times, it was the birthplace of several of the greatest Roman emperors, including Diocletian, Constantine, and Justinian.

Illyria was still prosperous during the Middle Ages, largely because of its strategic location. It had become, however, socially and politically passive, and it was conquered by the Ottoman Turks during the fifteenth century.  The Ottomans were at that time an economically and intellectually more productive society, and one of the world’s major empires.  At that point, Illyria disappeared as a corporate entity.  Illyria emerged again as a political entity during the seventeenth century, but not until after Shakespeare had written Twelfth Night.  For Shakespeare and his audience, Illyria was history.

Twelfth Night is set in medieval Illyria, when peace and prosperity would have seemed to the ruling Christian nobility in the play to be assured in perpetuity.  Shakespeare and his audience would have known better.  They knew that the Turks were coming, and that the Illyrian characters in the play were essentially luxuriating in a fool’s paradise.  This historical fact, that the Illyria of the play had been destroyed soon after the setting of the play, was, I think, intended by Shakespeare as part of the background for the play.  Why else would he have chosen such an odd and out-of-the-way location for his play, a place so different from the sorts of locations he chose for his other plays?  It adds an eerie air to the Marx Brothers atmosphere of the play and the frivolous behavior of the main characters.

The play portrays significant social conflicts among social classes, and between traditionalists and modernists in Illyria, social conflicts that concerned Shakespeare about his own time and place.  When I was a graduate student in history at Rutgers University during the late 1960’s, Professor Warren Susman told those of us in his graduate seminar that if we were ever called upon to give a lecture on any time and any place, especially one about which we knew nothing, all we had to do was say “It was a time of trouble.  It was a time of turmoil.  The old order was failing.  A new order was struggling into existence.  And the middle class was rising.”  One could, he said, go on about any time and place for at least an hour with that as one’s theme.

Notwithstanding the irony of Professor Susman’s advice, I think that one can apply his theme to Twelfth Night and to most of Shakespeare’s plays.  In turn, I think Shakespeare himself used that theme in Twelfth Night and in most of his plays.  Shakespeare was writing at a time when the feudal system of Medieval England was almost gone.  Remnants of the feudal nobility and feudal customs remained, but the English peasants were free, and both free enterprise and freer thought were steadily encroaching on traditional practices.  Capitalism and a middle class were rising.

Shakespeare was aware of these facts, and they concerned him.  Political collisions between a declining old ruling class and a rising new upstart class, social conflicts between the privileges of an inherited elite and the rights of ordinary people, religious battles among Anglicans, Puritans, and Catholics, and moral tensions between the pull of personal loyalties and the push of cutthroat competition, underlie most of Shakespeare’s plays, including Twelfth Night.  These were the same contests that divided England in his day.  Shakespeare generally portrays the contending parties and contending ideas in his plays with a relatively even hand, sometimes tilting in favor of traditional practices and civilities, other times toward new ways, means and moralities.

In Twelfth Night, Illyrian society represents an old aristocratic order, one that seems to be wallowing in wealth and indolence.  Duke Orsino and Countess Olivia seem to be overcivilized idlers of the upper nobility, with nothing but time on their hands.  Sir Toby Belch and Sir Andrew Aguecheek are under-civilized members of the lower nobility, with nothing but decadence on their minds.  These people do not seem to do anything productive, or know how to.

Malvolio, who is described as a Puritan, seems, on the other hand, to represent a new order of people, one that is sober, stern and efficient.  These are qualities that are missing in the aristocrats.  Olivia apparently has the wit to recognize this, and that is one reason she is upset about possibly losing Malvolio at the end of the play.  She realizes that people like her need people like Malvolio, no matter how much her sort may find Malvolio’s ilk distasteful.  The aristocrats’ sense of their own incompetence, and the degrading fact of their reliance on people such as Malvolio, may account for much of the melancholy that pervades the nobility in the play.  It also may explain their enthusiastic welcome of Viola and Sebastian as potentially new genteel blood that might invigorate their society.

D. Conventional Interpretations: An Idyll.

Twelfth Night is widely regarded as one of Shakespeare’s greatest creations.  Michael Billington, the dean of Britain’s theater critics, calls it “the most perfect comedy ever written.”[1]  Harold Goddard has said it is “one of the most effective theater pieces Shakespeare ever wrote.”[2]  Michael Wood enthuses that “Twelfth Night represents the peak of Shakespeare’s festive comedy.”[3]  I think, nonetheless, that these critics and most other interpreters miss much of the fun in the play because they overlook much of the complexity in the central character of Viola.

Viola is a woman pretending to be a man, which is wonderfully and comedically complex.  And in Shakespeare’s day, Viola would have been played by a boy, who was playing a woman pretending to be a man.  O, what a tangled gender web.  But I think most interpreters miss the point that Viola and Sebastian seemingly begin the play as adventurers wandering around Mediterranean societies, looking for opportunities to make their fortunes.  And they find those opportunities in Illyria.  Viola is, in this view, essentially a hustler who sees her opportunity with Orsino, and makes the most of it.  Sebastian is a smoothie who seizes his opportunity when it comes knocking with Olivia.  Their opportunism is an angle that is missed in conventional interpretations of the play.

Conventional interpretations of the play tend to follow one of two main lines, depending on whether the interpreters sympathize most with the aristocratic representatives of Merry Olde England or with the criticism of that regime represented by the Puritan Malvolio.  Interpretations also differ in whether they emphasize the melancholy atmosphere of Illyrian society represented by Orsino and Olivia or its antic and anarchic tendencies represented by Toby and Maria.  But all describe Viola as a maiden of virtuous intention, even as they leave unexplained Sebastian’s willingness to wed a wealthy woman he has never met.

Harold Goddard takes a melancholy view of the play, as Shakespeare’s “farewell to comedy,” that allegorically portrays “the end of Merry England” and “an intimation of the Puritan revolution” that was to come not long after Shakespeare’s death.  Goddard claims that Shakespeare was not wholly on the side of the old ways, as they could be cruel and feeble, and Orsino and Olivia are idle, sentimental and self-centered.  Shakespeare, in turn, portrays the Puritan Malvolio as “a man of principle.”  But Viola is the star of the show.  She is, Goddard exclaims, “sincere, modest, sweet, gentle, generous, tender, true,” and deeply devoted to Orsino.  He says that he cannot understand how Viola “should have fallen in love with such a spineless creature as the Duke,” but he thinks we are supposed to believe that she will purify Illyrian society “toward a more spiritual level.”[4]

Mark Van Doren sees Illyria as an ideal “world [built] out of music and melancholy,” but the idyll is “threatened by an alien voice,” the voice of the Puritanical Malvolio.  Melancholy in Illyria, according to Van Doren, is not a function of the idleness and vapidity of the ruling classes, as Goddard sees it, but is result of the threat represented by Malvolio, who is “ambitious, self-contained, cold and intelligent.”  Van Doren enthuses that “The household of Olivia is old-world, it is Merry England.”  Malvolio, he laments, is the new world, and not a very pretty one.  Most tellingly, Van Doren says, “Malvolio hates music.”  As a result, Van Doren claims, “The drama in the play is between his [Malvolio’s] mind and the music of old manners.”  Van Doren concludes that despite the “greatness” of Viola, Shakespeare intends to warn his audience that the Malvolios of the world will likely triumph.[5]

In a performance of the play that I recently saw at the Stratford Theater Festival, the downstairs plot involving Toby, Andrew and Maria was played for a maximum of laughs, including lots of slapstick and pratfalls.  But the upstairs plot involving Orsino, Olivia and Viola was played with a restrained, almost dignified humor, perhaps befitting the higher social status of the characters.  Melancholy was the dominant mood in Illyria in this production.  The production also treated the actions and transactions of the transgender Viola as seriously and sincerely romantic.  She is pure and purely good.  And we are seemingly supposed to admire the society into which she and her brother are marrying.[6]

Professor Humphry Tonkin echoes Van Doren’s idyllic view of Illyria as a “magical region.”  Like Van Doren, he sees Malvolio as “the enemy of love,” as opposed to Viola who is “the spirit of love.”  One of the questions that interpreters of the play should have to answer, but almost never do, is why Cesario/Viola keeps going back to see Olivia when their visits can only have the effect of confirming Olivia’s desire for Cesario/Viola and dissatisfaction with Orsino.  Tonkin attempts to answer this question by saying that Cesario/Viola has compassion for Olivia.[7]  But that answer does not make sense.  The only answer that makes sense is that Cesario/Viola wants to undermine any possible attachment between Olivia and Orsino, so the field will be open for Viola to gain Orsino for herself.  And that is the key to my interpretation of the play.

E.  An Unconventional Interpretation: A Sting.

The opening lines of a Shakespeare play often tell much of the tale, and the way they are interpreted and performed can set the tone for much that comes next.  The ghost scene that opens Hamlet,[8] Orlando’s opening speech in As You Like It,[9] and Antonio’s opening speech in The Merchant of Venice, [10]among others, can be played in different ways that predetermine much of the meaning of the rest of those plays.  It is the same with Twelfth Night.

The opening speech by Orsino, in which he waxes poetically about music as the food of love before sickening of the music but not love, is conventionally played seriously.  Orsino is invariably played by a dignified figure who is surrounded by other dignified figures who look up to him.  The scene sets up the play as some sort of romance in the upstairs plotline, following a burgeoning love between Orsino and Viola, contrasted with the downstairs plotline of Toby and Maria, which is treated as slapstick.  It also sets up Illyria as some sort of idyllic society, a model of an enlightened nobility.  In this context, Viola naturally emerges as an ideal person, finding her way to fit in with this society.

But all is changed if you play Orsino’s speech as the mellifluent, insincere blathering of an overdressed narcissistic fool, surrounded by a bunch of overdressed courtly sycophants, whose words of love are really all about himself.  Orsino’s self-absorption is evident throughout the play.  Who, but either a pompous ass or an insecure idiot, would send someone else to court a woman for himself, let alone send a comely young man to do the wooing?  Playing the opening scene in this way sets the play up as a comedy in both plotlines, and makes much better sense of their intersection.  Just as Toby is ripe to be plucked by Maria, so are Orsino and Olivia easy pickings for Viola and Sebastian.

In this interpretation, Illyria comes off not as an idyll, but as a complacent society ruled by an overindulgent and incompetent nobility.  It is a nobility that relies on the competence of servants (Malvolio, but also Maria) who are more intelligent and competent than their masters, and who are undermining their masters’ rule.  It is a society that ultimately cannot sustain and defend itself, and that is soon to be overrun and overturned by a more vigorous people.  This is the warning that Shakespeare is giving to his audience.

The play is a compendium of deceptions and con jobs.  Viola pretends to be a man, which is the essence of the upstairs plotline.  Feste, the clown, pretends to be a priest in Maria’s plot to torment Malvolio.  And Toby pretends to Andrew that he is working on Andrew’s behalf to induce Olivia to marry Andrew, which is a parallel of Cesario/Viola’s efforts on Orsino’s behalf. Toby is, in fact, just trying to get money from Andrew.  This farce is the substance of the downstairs plotline, and is conventionally well played for laughs.  But there are, I think, two other con jobs that are ignored by conventional interpretations of the play.  Playing up these con jobs would, I think, give greater depth and greater humor to the play.

First, in my view, Olivia is herself conning Orsino by pretending that she won’t marry him because she is in prolonged mourning for her brother.  Conventional interpretations of the play take this excuse at face value, and play her as a serious character.  It seems more plausible, however, that she just does not like the guy, and given his pomposity and self-centeredness that seems very reasonable, but that she does not want to offend such a powerful nobleman by just rejecting him.  That her mourning is a con job is also indicated by how quickly she is willing to forgo her weeds to wed Cesario/Viola/Sebastian.  And her willingness to marry Sebastian without first checking up on his bone fides indicates that she is a fool.  She has, in fact, been fooled by both Cesario/Viola and by Sebastian.  This could be very funny.

Second, and most important in my view, Viola is trying from the start to con Orsino into marrying her.  It is why she gives up on her initial intention to pretend to be a eunuch, and plays the courtier instead.  Her task is to make sure that Olivia does not change her mind about rejecting Orsino, and to get Orsino to eschew Olivia in her favor.  Toward this end, Viola makes herself attractive to Olivia, flirting with her even as Viola is pretending to present Orsino’s case.

This is the reason Viola keeps going back to see Olivia, even after it is clear that her visits are only hurting Orsino’s chances with Olivia.  In this context, Viola’s continually praising Orsino to Olivia only increases Olivia’s respect for what she foolishly sees as Viola/Cesario’s integrity.  At the same time, while Viola is playing the virile man to Olivia, she is playing the docile youth to Orsino, attracting him despite his seeming heterosexuality, confusing him in his affections, and setting him up for Viola’s eventual coming out as a woman.  This back and forth on the part of Viola, sometimes masculine, other times feminine, trying to keep things straight, would be very interesting and very funny. If it were played that way. And the fact that Viola falls for Orsino in the course of her masquerade – she soliloquizes words of intense passion towards him — only adds to irony and humor of the situation.  She has conned herself into falling for her dupe.

By the end of the play, the Illyrian nobility seem happy to welcome into their ranks two people, Viola and Sebastian, who are clearly, even to the dimwitted Illyrians, a couple of clever tricksters, Viola for putting across her imitation of a man, and Sebastian for grabbing at the chance to marry Olivia.  Did the Illyrians somehow see this as a way to invigorate their doldrum society?  In an Elizabethan era in which regular commerce, sharp practices, and piracy often overlapped, did Shakespeare see the addition of con men to the English ruling class as means of invigorating his society?  He portrayed Prince Hal, the future heroic King Henry V, very favorably in Henry IV, and Hal was a trickster.  Or, given the eventual fate of the real-life Illyria, was Shakespeare warning against falling for con-men and con-women.  I am writing this essay in the United States during the month of August in 2017, and we have just endured six months of having a con-man as our President.  It has not been a good experience, and I hope we do not go the way of Illyria.

In sum, I think that playing Orsino and Olivia as fools, Illyrian society as a fool’s paradise, and Viola as a clever con-woman makes better sense of the lines and the plotlines in the play, more sense out of Shakespeare’s intentions for the play, and makes for a more interesting production.  The moral of the story is posed in the opening lines of the poem sung by Feste the clown who closes the play: “When that I was and a little tiny boy, With hey, ho, the wind and the rain, A foolish thing was but a toy, For the rain it raineth every day.”  But we in the audience are no longer little boys and girls and, as such, our foolishness can have more consequence than mere playthings.  What we will for ourselves and to our descendants makes a difference.

BW  8/23/17

[1] Michael Billington. “Twelfth Night Review.” the guardian. 2/23/17.

[2] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare, Vol. I. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1951. p.294.

[3] Michael Wood. Shakespeare. New York: Basis Books, 2003. p.231.

[4] Harold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare, Vol. I. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1951. pp.295, 296, 299, 300, 304.  See Michael Wood. Shakespeare. New York: Basis Books, 2003. p.231. for a similarly somewhat sympathetic treatment of Malvolio.

[5] Mark Van Doren. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. pp.136, 138, 140, 141, 143.  See also Dominick Cavendish. “Twelfth Night, National’s Oliver Theatre Review.” The Telegraph. 2/23/17. For a review of a performance of the play that emphasizes the malevolence of Malvolio.

[6] See J. Kelley Nestruck. “Review: Stratford Festival Kicks off with dreary take on Twelfth Night.” The Globe and Mail. 5/30/17 for a melancholy review of a melancholy interpretation of the play.

[7] Humphrey Tonkin. “Five Lectures on Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night.” University of Hartford. Nov./Dec. 1999.

[8] I have a blog post that deals with this point titled “Better Dead than Red: Hamlet and the Cold War against Catholicism in Elizabethan England”

[9] I have a blog post that deals with this point titled “The Taming of a Schlemozzle:  As You Like It as you like it.”

[10] I have a blog post that deals with this point titled “Shakespeare and Shylock: Protestants, Catholics and the Jewish Question in Elizabethan England”

The Taming of a Schlemozzle: Shakespeare’s “As You Like It” as you like it.

The Taming of a Schlemozzle:

Shakespeare’s As You Like It as you like it.

 

Burton Weltman

 

 “I see a woman may be made a fool

If she had not a spirit to resist.”

Katherine in The Taming of the Shrew.

 

Domestication Altercations: What goes around, comes around.

A schlemiel is a guy who invariably spills the soup.

A schlemozzle is the guy on whom the soup is invariably spilled.”

Mel Brooks.

In The Taming of the Shrew, Shakespeare dramatized the efforts of a husband, Petruccio, to dominate his wife, Katherine.  The play is widely considered what we today call sexist because it seemingly lauds the husband’s efforts, denigrates the wife, and applauds her apparent submission to him in the end.  In As You Like It, Shakespeare seems to take a reverse course, and portrays a woman, Rosalind, who dominates the action around her and her suitor, Orlando.

Conventional interpretations of the play portray Rosalind as a golden girl, selfless, virtuous, and brilliant.  Conventional interpretations portray Orlando as a golden boy, a repository of the Boy Scout virtues, a heroic figure, and a devoted lover.  In this essay, I am going to argue that, contrary to the conventional view, Rosalind is mercenary, mendacious and selfishly manipulative.  I am also going to argue that Orlando is a schlemozzle, that is, a nice guy who isn’t very bright and tends to be a loser.  Orlando is a well-liked fellow, and an impressive physical specimen, but he is intellectually dense and prone to violence.  In turn, he repeatedly gets dumped on until fortune miraculously turns his way at the end of the play.

As You Like It is typically played as a light-hearted pastoral romance about love at first sight and lovers in an idyllic forest setting.  A recent production of the play that I saw at the Stratford Festival was staged as a carnival of singing, dancing, juggling, acrobatics, and audience participation.  It was wonderfully conceived and performed, and was great fun.  The young people in the audience (busloads of students from local schools) seemed to have a particularly good time.  The play concludes with the marriage of four couples who have ostensibly fallen in love at first sight, and closes with what seems to be a “Happily ever after” ending for them all.

In this essay, I suggest an alternative approach that contrasts with conventional interpretations of the play, and that I think better fits the words that Shakespeare wrote.  As You Like It, in my view, is not a romance of good things coming to good people and bad people becoming good, but is essentially a dark comedy, that is, a play in which bad things sometimes happen to good people, and selfishness sometimes prevails over selflessness.  The play is full of ironies.

The characters, for example, volubly justify their amorous inclinations as true love at first sight, but their mutual attractions appear to be mainly just lust at first sight.  They proclaim undying love and loyalty, but their personalities do not seem the stuff of which long-lasting commitments are made.  Finally, I think that the superficially happy ending of the play belies the underlying problems that will likely soon emerge in the characters’ marital relationships.  My interpretation could still be performed as you might like it in a fun-filled circus-like fashion, but it would also have a serious side to it and would suggest some serious things to think about.

As You Like It parallels The Taming of the Shrew in many ways, albeit with a reversal of gender roles.  Although most productions of The Taming of the Shrew close with what seems to be a “Happily ever after” ending, some interpreters see Katherine’s submission at the end of that play as merely a strategic retreat.  They foresee that her struggles for dominance with Petruccio will be resumed in the near future, thereby giving the lie to a superficially happy ending.  Likewise, I think that the various marriages at the end of As You Like It, including that of Rosalind to Orlando, are fragile and full of potential contradictions and conflicts.  Loving peace and harmony seem likely to be short-lived, and battles for dominance are likely to break out in the near future.  What seems to be a “Happily ever after” ending is really an ironic beginning.

As You Like It goes Into the Woods: Wishing Well and Unwell.

“Into the woods…

You can have your wish…

Then out of the woods,

And happy ever after.” Not.

Stephen Sondheim.

Stephen Sondheim’s musical Into the Woods is a dark comedy that also parallels As You Like It in many waysIn Sondheim’s play, the main characters leave their mundane lives and venture into a nearby forest seeking the ways and means of bettering their lives.  In seeking to fulfill their wishes, however, the characters create a host of problems for themselves.  In the course of the first act of the play, they resolve these problems and each gets the wish that prompted him or her to go into the woods.  The first act ends with all of them rejoicing that they are now going to live happily ever after.  But not so fast.

At the beginning of the second act, the characters find themselves disappointed with the way things have turned out. They come up with new wishes that generate new problems for themselves that are even more daunting than the ones they faced in the first act.  With great sacrifice and loss of life, the surviving characters solve these problems and, once again, rejoice that they are finally going to live happily ever after.  Or so they think, because the play closes with one of them whispering “I wish,” a potent act which portends even more trials and tribulations for them all.  Sondheim’s characters seem to be caught in a vicious cycle of wishes and troubles, unhappily ever after.

As You Like It is a play full of songs, a Sondheim-like musical of Elizabethan times.  It is also the story of a group of people who venture into a forest to escape unhappiness and unjust persecutions, hoping there to find a better way of life.  As in Sondheim’s musical, they overcome adversity and their wishes seem to come true.  But like Sondheim’s comedy, the play seems to end at the beginning of a new round of troubles for them all.  The melancholic philosopher Jacques closes the play with what seem like ironic congratulations to the pairs of lovers and then, refusing to participate in the marital festivities, retires to see what will be the outcome of it all.

The Plot: Courtly Usurpations and Forest Peregrinations.

I’m a lumberjack and I’m OK.

I cut down trees, I eat my lunch,

I go to the lavatory.

On Wednesdays, I go shopping

And have buttered scones for tea.”

Monty Python.

As You Like It has a peripatetic plot but the gist of the action can be summarized as follows.  A French duke, Duke Senior, is deposed by his brother Duke Frederick.  Senior escapes to the Forest of Arden with a bunch of his followers, including the philosopher Jacques, and they proceed to set up an idyllic housekeeping among the natives there.  The courtly gentlemen settle into what seems to be a very refined forest life, with docile peasants and shepherds to serve them, and plentiful deer to shoot.  Maybe even buttered croissants for tea.  Senior’s daughter, Rosalind, stays behind in the ducal palace under the protection of Frederick’s daughter, Celia.

Meanwhile, Oliver, a lesser nobleman, has been systematically mistreating his younger brother Orlando, and rendering him penniless.  Orlando rebels and threatens violence against Oliver.  When Orlando enters a wrestling competition, Oliver induces the other wrestler to try to kill Orlando.  However, Orlando wins the competition and then flees to the forest with his faithful servant Adam.  In the course of the wrestling scene, Orlando meets up with Rosalind.  Unbeknownst to them, each falls in love with the other at first sight.                  

Frederick eventually suspects Rosalind of conspiring against him on behalf of her father, which she is not doing, and she escapes to the forest with Celia and Touchstone, the court jester.  As a means of self-protection, Rosalind disguises herself as a man, and calls herself Ganymede.  Celia disguises herself as Rosalind’s sister.  As they settle into country life, they meet Orlando, who has been posting love poems about Rosalind on trees all around the forest.  Touchstone makes fun of Orlando’s poems, which even Rosalind thinks are sophomoric.

Rosalind, disguised as Ganymede, convinces Orlando to undergo a prolonged and humiliating course of so-called treatment with Ganymede to cure Orlando of his unrequited love for Rosalind, while actually fanning it.  Meanwhile there is much debating about life and love among the various displaced gentlemen, including Ganymede, and much repartee about the relative merits of court life versus country life between the gentlemen and the rural folks.

In the end, Orlando saves Oliver’s life when Oliver is attacked by a lion as Oliver is seeking for Orlando to further persecute him.  Oliver vows to turn over his wealth to Orlando and to live in the forest with Celia, with whom he has fallen in love at first sight.  Frederick also has a conversion experience as he is seeking to further persecute his brother, and Frederick vows to give Senior back the dukedom and retire into a monastery.

Finally, Rosalind removes her disguise and reveals herself to her father and to Orlando.  The play closes with the marriage of Rosalind to Orlando, Celia to Oliver, their jester Touchstone to a peasant girl, and two peasants to each other.  Everyone rejoices.  But is this the end or merely the beginning of their problems?

Conventional and Contraventional Interpretations: Where are the Entwives?

“I’ve seen love from both sides now,

From give and take and still somehow,

It’s love’s illusions I recall.

I really don’t know love at all.”

Joni Mitchell

According to Wikipedia, which is a good source of conventional opinion on many subjects, As You Like It is generally regarded as a light-hearted pastoral romance, in which Rosalind is generally portrayed as a paragon of virtue and a role model for men and women alike.  Orlando is, in turn, generally regarded as a hero.  Most interpreters generally accept at face value the acclamations of love at first sight made by various characters in the play, as well as the happy ending.  This is the conventional view of the play.[1]

The conventional interpretation makes for a pleasant play that the Shakespearean scholar George Goddard says is not one of Shakespeare’s best but is one of Shakespeare’s best loved.  I would contend, however, while the conventional view makes for a likeable play, it also makes for difficulty in construing in pari materia the words written by Shakespeare.  This is exemplified by Goddard’s own interpretation of the play.

Accepting the description of the play as “a pastoral romance,” Goddard claims that it is Rosalind’s play, and that she completely dominates the drama just “as Hamlet does Hamlet.”  Like many critics, Goddard seems smitten with Rosalind, gushing that “Rosalind is wit with humor” and “a sort of universal image of Woman as Sweetheart.”  He also describes Orlando as a hero.  Goddard concludes that the moral of the play is that love is wisdom and that love at first sight, exemplified by the attraction of Rosalind and Orlando for each other, is wisdom in action.

Goddard runs into difficulties, however, in reconciling this view with Shakespeare’s words.  He claims, for example, that the love poems Orlando has posted on trees in the forest are genuinely good poetry, despite evidence within the play that Shakespeare intended the verses to be deemed inferior.  Touchstone, the jester, ridicules Orlando’s verses as “bad fruit” coming from good trees, and extemporizes a mock love poem that is clearly a better composition than Orlando’s. (3.2.87-158).  Goddard thunders, nonetheless, that “Touchstone stands condemned as a fool” for criticizing Orlando’s poems.  This is an odd condemnation since Touchstone, as a court jester, is, in fact, a professional fool.  In any case, Rosalind also mocks Orlando’s verses as “tedious,” and acknowledges that Touchstone’s are better than Orlando’s. (3.2.158-173).  Is she a fool, too?

In defense of his thesis, Goddard denounces as a hypocrite the philosopher Jacques, who doubts that love at first sight can endure, because Jacques claims to eschew mankind but seemingly craves an audience for his misanthropic pronouncements.  Goddard notes that Orlando refuses to engage in repartee with Jacques, which Goddard cites as an example of Orlando’s intelligence.  But Duke Senior, who is a voice of reason in the play, likes to engage in debate with Jacques, and finds him a fount of interesting ideas, albeit not always wisdom.  Goddard’s view of Jacques does not seem to be Shakespeare’s.

Finally, Goddard thinks that in the debates between the courtly gentlemen and the rural folks, the peasants win hands down, with their sincerity triumphing over the cynicism of the gentlefolks.  But this is not the conclusion of Duke Senior, and is clearly not the case when one looks at the debates.  While in some instances the common sense and humility of the peasants wins out, in others the superior wit of the court people clearly triumphs.  The play is just too two-sided for the one-dimensional conventional view that Goddard espouses.[2]

Mark Van Doren, another Shakespearean scholar, takes a more two-sided view of the play.   Unlike Goddard, he thinks that As You Like It is a great play, and that it embodies a thorough-going critique of pastoral romances.  Also unlike Goddard, Van Doren thinks that both the court and the countryside folks have their points, but that the court people ultimately have the better of it in their debates.  Finally, unlike Goddard, who disparages Touchstone, Van Doren considers Touchstone a genuine “intellectual,” a man “without illusion” who shreds the pastoral myth, and who even wittily proves to the shepherds that they are really courtiers.

But, like Goddard and consistent with the conventional view of the play, Van Doren idealizes and idolizes Rosalind.  He claims she is “a perfect symbol of the romantic heroine” who “loves Orlando without limit.”  He rhapsodizes that she is “a gallant and witty girl” who is “the philosopher of the play.”  Van Doren also accepts the conventional view of the play as a paean to love at first sight and marriage at first chance.[3]

I do not agree with this love-and-marriage view of the play, if for no other reason than that there are lots of husbands and their offspring in the play, but no wives and mothers.  This is a situation similar to that of the Ents in J.R.R. Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings.  Ents are primordial tree-like creatures that take care of the earth.  When the Hobbits Merry and Pippin ask the Ent Treebeard about the whereabouts of the Entwives, Treebeard explains that in the course of time, the male Ents took to the forests to tend the trees while the female Ents remained in the fields to tend the plants.  The male Ents eventually lost all touch with their Entwives and, thereafter, lived a bachelors’ existence in the woods.  “You see, we lost the Entwives,” he concludes.

The men in As You Like It have similarly taken to the forest and seemingly lost touch with their wives. They have constructed a bachelors’ paradise, and there is no indication that they might be looking forward to reuniting with their wives when they return home.  As You Like It is, thus, a play about marriage and family but with no wives or mothers, not even a mention of them.  In leaving out any example of a marriage in the play, let alone a successful marriage, Shakespeare has placed the marriages that are contracted at the end of the play in a doubtful context.  It raises the question of whether love, lust, love’s illusions, and/or greed are the motivating factors in the play, and whether Shakespeare thinks love at first sight will last for long in a marriage.

The Case Against Rosalind, and the Schlemozzle Tamed: Seeming is Believing.

“You’re good.  You’re very good.”

Sam Spade.

In Dashiell Hammett’s The Maltese Falcon, the hard-boiled detective Sam Spade falls under the hypnotic sway of the mercenary Brigid O’Shaughnessy, who is drop dead beautiful (in the book, not the movie), brilliant, sympathetic, and totally disingenuous.  It is lust at first sight.  For most of the book, he knows he is being conned by her but he can’t help himself.  He is overwhelmed by her beauty, and she is too clever for him.  I think that Rosalind is very much like her, and is essentially a female version of Petruccio in The Taming of the Shrew, who was himself mercenary, manipulative, mendacious and domineering.

The case against Rosalind is simple.  When her father is banished by Frederick, she stays behind to live in the luxury of the palace, rather than rough it with her father in the forest.  Not a very loyal daughter.  When Frederick suspects her of plotting in favor of her father, she truthfully denies it.  Not a very valiant daughter.  When she escapes to the woods with her loyal and valiant cousin Celia, her intention is to live on Celia’s money.  A very convenient friendship.

Rosalind falls for Orlando after admiring his good looks, admiring his strength and prowess in winning a wrestling match, and admiring his pedigree without yet knowing that he has been disowned by his brother.  Her attraction to him is strong but her language about him is more calculated than caring.  Not a very elevated motive.

Rosalind adopts the name Ganymede in taking on her disguise as a man.  In ancient Greek mythology, Ganymede was the most beautiful of male mortals, and was made immortal by Zeus.  Not a very humble disguise.  By contrast, the humble Celia takes on the alias of Aliena, which means stranger in Latin and was the name of a plebian Roman family.

Rosalind dominates her cousin, and seems to expect to dominate any situation.  While in the forest, she does not reveal her identity to her father, who is likely worried about her, until the very end of the play when he has been restored to his position of power and wealth by Frederick.  She also does not reveal her identity to Orlando and plays a hurtful hoax on him, claiming to help him forget his love for Rosalind while actually fanning his passion.  She treats him with scorn and derision, quite cruelly, during her supposed treatment of him.  She reveals herself to him only after she has completely hogtied him with her psychological manipulations, and he has been granted wealth and power by his brother Oliver.

Rosalind’s views of the world are mercenary and cynical.  She states her own philosophy as “Fortune reigns in the gifts of the world, not in the lineaments of nature,” that is, it is what you have and not what you are that is most important. (1.2.40-42).  When the philosopher Jacques attributes his chronic melancholy to all the suffering and evil he has seen in his travels around the world, she replies that “I had rather have a fool to make me merry than experience to make me sad.”  That is, she would rather pretend the world is as she would like it, and ignore the hardship and suffering of others, than to see it as it really is.  She also derides Jacques for having “rich eyes and poor hands,” that is, he has seen a lot but has no wealth to show for it. (4.1.13-32).

Rosalind’s views of love are also cynical.  When the jester Touchstone quips that “as all is mortal in nature, so is all nature in love mortal folly,” she seriously agrees with him.  (2.4.54-56). Later, when Orlando complains to Rosalind, who is disguised as Ganymede, that he is dying for the love of Rosalind, she mocks him and claims that “Men have died from time to time, and worms have eaten them, but not for love.” (4.1.112-113).  Rosalind is good at her games, very good, and she is able to carry her schemes off, making seeming into believing.

Rosalind is a winner.  In contrast, Orlando is a whiner.  The play opens with him whining first to his servant Adam and then to his brother Oliver that Oliver has not provided him with the education and income that he deserves.  He is unable to live up to the high social status of his birth.  Orlando complains that Oliver has “undermined my gentility” and “trained me like a peasant.” (1.1.1-25).  There is no indication that he has done anything to educate or elevate himself.  Orlando seems to think he is entitled to whatever he wants.  His obsession with money and status sets the stage for the play, and stands in sharp contrast with the deposed Duke Senior’s lauding of forest life because there is “no painted pomp” and “no flattery” there. (2.1.3-15).

When Oliver does not immediately sympathize with Orlando’s complaints, Orlando seizes Oliver by the throat and threatens him with violence.  The result is that Oliver promises to give Orlando some money, but then hatches a plan for Orlando to be killed in a forthcoming wrestling match.  Oliver is an evil person, but he seemingly has legitimate concerns for his personal safety.

Orlando is a violent person.  This works to his advantage when he defeats the wrestler at the beginning of the play, and when his kills the lion that was attacking his brother at the end of the play.  But he seems inclined to violence at the wrong times, as in this opening scene with his brother and later when he storms the forest camp of Duke Senior in search of food and threatens to kill anyone who eats a morsel before he gets what he wants.  He needs a keeper.

Orlando is also not very bright.  This is indicated by the fact that he has apparently been taken advantage of by his brother for such a long time, and it has taken him so long to register a protest.  It is also indicated by the awful love poems he writes, his inability to do well in repartee with other characters, and his falling for the ridiculous hoax that Rosalind plays on him.  He is a schlemozzle, a loser, who seemingly wins in the end only because Rosalind has fallen for him and takes him in hand.  I say “seemingly wins” because it is not clear that in the long run he is going to enjoy the marriage to the domineering Rosalind that he has won.

Power-Tripping into the Woods: As You Like It as you will.

“The truly great books are the few books

that are over everybody’s head all of the time.”

Mortimer Adler

As You Like It is a play purportedly about love, but is seemingly more about lust.  Each of the main pairings is established at first sight, with the exception of long-suffering peasant Silvius’ long-standing passion for the peasant Phoebe.  Silvius is also the only one in the play who seems to have a conception of love that goes beyond personal satisfaction.  Love, he says, “It is to be all made of faith and service.” (5.2.93).  Scattered throughout the play until the very end are songs that speak of love as lust, love as ephemeral, and love as folly.  (2.5.1-10; 2.7.183-201; 4.2.12-20; 5.3.17-39).  This is not a play that extolls true and lasting love.

The play is also purportedly about selflessness overcoming selfishness, but is seemingly more about power struggles and the survival of the wittiest.  Adam, the faithful servant of Orlando’s family, is the only one who gives with no expectation of return, as when he offers Orlando his life’s saving and life’s service in helping Orlando escape from Oliver’s vengeance. (2.3.40-57).

The superficially happy ending of the play is engineered by Shakespeare through a series of fantastical conversions and deus et machina. In defending his thesis that the play is a light-hearted pastoral romance, Harrold Goddard attributes these miracles to “the magic of the Forest of Arden,” and claims they contribute to the upbeat moral of the story.

I think otherwise.  I think the ending is ominous and the moral of the story is a downer.  Shakespeare has given us a play about brothers pitted against brothers for wealth and power, nobles versus peasants, court versus countryside, men versus women, and pessimists versus optimists.  With the exception of a few characters, such as Duke Senior, Celia, Adam and Silvius, each is trying to impose his or her will on the others, and the question is whose wills will win out.  Goddard would have it that the play shows the optimists winning out, and that Shakespeare intended his audience to leave the play encouraged about the world.  I think that Shakespeare leaves us with a Jacques-like feeling of foreboding that if the only way things can work out reasonably well is through miracles, then we all ought to begin praying ASAP.

In suggesting an alternative to the conventional view of As You Like It, I am not insisting that mine is the only plausible interpretation.  It has been frequently said of Shakespeare’s plays that one of the things that makes them great is that they can be interpreted and performed in many different ways.  In his seminal treatise on How to Read a Book (1940), Mortimer Adler defines a great book as one that can be read over and over with the reader getting something more or different each time.  That is true of Shakespeare’s plays.

Shakespeare’s words and directions form the parameters within which his plays can be performed, but he leaves a lot of latitude for interpretation within those parameters.  The staging is everything.  I think that staging the play with the interpretation I am suggesting would make for a more interesting and more humorous performance, even without all of the gimmicks that were superadded to the production I recently saw at the Stratford Festival.

[1] “As You Like It.” Wikipedia.  Accessed 9/23/16.

[2]  Harrold Goddard. The Meaning of Shakespeare, Vol. 1. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. pp.281-293.

[3]  Mark Van Doren.  Shakespeare. New York: New York Review Books, 2005. pp.127-134.

Beckett’s “Waiting for Godot”: Why do we keep waiting? Hope among the Hopeless.

  Beckett’s Waiting for Godot: Why do we keep waiting? Hope among the Hopeless.                       

                                       Burton Weltman

A country road.  A tree.  Evening.

Estragon, sitting on a low mound, is trying to take off his boot.

He pulls at it with both hands, panting.

He gives up, exhausted, rests, tries again.

Setting and action at the beginning of Act I of Waiting for Godot.

A guy trying to take off his boots, and failing.  That is how Waiting for Godot opens, and it is a prime example of the sort of action that takes place during the play.  There is, in fact, very little dramatic action at the beginning of the play, and none at the end.  In between, two ragged men, Estragon and Vladimir (Gogo and Didi for short), wander back and forth on a bleak stage and talk at each other as they wait for the arrival of someone named Godot, whom they may never have met (it isn’t clear) and know almost nothing about.  They are briefly interrupted by four other characters, a poltroon named Pozzo with his slave Lucky, and two messenger boys sent by Godot.  That’s it.

Godot was completed in 1949 by Samuel Beckett in the wake of the Great Depression and World War II.  It was a time when many Europeans were suffering from what we might today call post traumatic stress disorder.  They were still trying to figure out what had hit them and what they could do about it.  Godot was part of a flood of existentialist works produced during the 1940’s and 1950’s by Beckett, Jean Paul Sartre, Albert Camus, Simone de Beauvoir and other writers.  Sartre and Camus, the leading figures in the existentialist group, emphasized the helplessness, hopelessness, and pointlessness of human existence.  Godot has been compared with their works.  The setting of Godot is bleak, the main characters wander about to no obvious purpose, and the play has no obvious plot.  I intend to show, however, that Beckett makes a very different point than Sartre and Camus.

Godot has also been compared in recent years with the television comedy show Seinfeld.  Seinfeld has been famously characterized and satirized by its own characters as a show about nothing.  And although Seinfeld is amusing, it really is pretty much about nothing.  Godot has been similarly characterized as being about nothing because the play seems so unfocussed and nothing dramatic happens.  But this comparison is weak.  Godot is amusing, but there is also something to the play that has led critics to describe it as “mesmerizing,” and induced many to rate it as a great work of art.  One may ridicule Godot, it has been said, but one “cannot ignore it.”[1]  Very few people would say that about Seinfeld.  What is it about Godot that accounts for its hold on audiences?  I hope in this essay to show what that is.

A great work of art has been described as one that can be experienced repeatedly with something new gained each time.  A great book is, for example, one that can be read over and over, with the reader getting more and different things each time.  A great play is one that can be seen many times with new insights each time.  The more a work can be profitably reread or re-watched, the more there is to it and the greater it is.[2]

That is something we can do with the plays of William Shakespeare and the novels of Charles Dickens, and that is why people today frequently read and reread, watch and re-watch works by these authors.  It is not something that most people can do with the plays of Shakespeare’s contemporary and friend Christopher Marlowe or with the books of Dickens’ contemporary and friend Edward Bulwer-Lytton.   Marlow and Bulwer-Lytton were considered innovative and widely popular authors in their day.  But they have not stood well the test of time, and their works are not often performed or read.[3]  Bulwer-Lytton has even had the singular misfortune to have named after him an annual contest for the worst opening sentence for a novel, having opened one of his novels with the oft ridiculed line “It was a dark and stormy night.”[4]

Great literary works like those of Shakespeare and Dickens appeal to us to consider them carefully.  They connect with us in a way that says that there is more to them than meets the eye at our first glance, and that we are missing something important if we don’t try to find it.  Great works are also multidimensional, not merely one-dimensional, sentimental appeals to our emotions or didactic appeals to our intellect.  They appeal to us and challenge us in a variety of ways, intellectually, experientially, imaginatively, and emotionally.

A literary work is said, for example, to have intellectual appeal if it challenges our ideas about things.  It has experiential appeal if it relates to things with which we are familiar but focuses on things we have ignored.  A work has imaginative appeal if it is couched in imagery that opens our eyes to something we are capable of seeing but have not seen before.  It has  emotional appeal if it evokes empathy and emotionally involves us in unexpected ways.  A great work makes the strange familiar and the familiar strange.[5]  Godot does just that.  As I hope to demonstrate in this essay, the play appeals to our intellects, personal experiences, imaginations and emotions, and provokes us to think and feel about things in new ways.  It can also be seen over and over without exhausting its appeal.  In sum, it is well worth waiting for Godot.

Estragon: Nothing to be done.

Vladimir: I am beginning to come around to that opinion.  All my life I’ve tried to put it from me, saying Vladimir, be reasonable, you haven’t tried everything.  And I resumed the struggle.

Opening lines of Act I of Waiting for Godot.

“What is to be done?” asked Vladimir Lenin in the title of his famous book of 1901.  The book was written at a low point in working class struggles in Europe, at a time when apathetic workers seemed to be adapting to their oppression under the capitalist system.  Lenin’s answer was to build a revolutionary movement led by a vanguard cadre of radicals who would energize workers and show them the way.  Estragon parodies and critiques Lenin with his “Nothing to be done” as the opening salvo of the debate between him and his comrade Vladimir, which largely constitutes Godot.  Vladimir responds in Leninist fashion that whenever he feels at a low point, he thinks of all the things he has not yet tried, and then he resumes the struggle.

But there are limits to Vladimir’s stamina.  He is beginning to despair.  His despair recalls that of his namesake Lenin, wasting away in exile in Switzerland during January, 1917.  Lenin told a group of visiting comrades that they must reconcile themselves to the fact that there would probably be no revolution in Russia during their lifetimes.  But, he adjured, they must keep the faith and wait things out.  Quite unexpectedly, revolution broke out the next month in Russia and Lenin returned to lead it.  One never knows what can be done if one has not tried everything.

What is to be done, Estragon and Vladimir are continually asking?  How should they spend their time while they wait for God knows what?   So, they play with words and play verbal games, just as Beckett wrote plays and played with words.  They goad each other with what are seemingly intentional misunderstandings of the other, a way of making something of a conversation out of nothing.  “Let’s contradict each other,” Estragon suggests and later insists “Let’s ask each other questions.”  After one such episode, Estragon rejoices that “We always find something, eh Didi, to give us the impression we exist.”  “Yes, yes, we’re magicians,” Vladimir responds.

They sprinkle their conversation with allusions to books, events and ideas that they have difficulty recalling and construing, just as Beckett sprinkles Godot with allusions to things for us, the audience, to try to decipher and ponder.  Vladimir, for example, referring to the story that one of the two thieves who were to be crucified with Jesus was spared, notes that only one of the four Gospels mentions the story.  Estragon’s reply is “Well?  They don’t agree and that’s all there is to it.”  Vladimir’s response is “But all four were there and only one speaks of a thief being saved.  Why believe him rather than the other four?”  This is not only a question about the New Testament, it is a question about evidence and testimony of all sorts, and about ethical choices.

“It is a game, everything is a game,” Beckett once supposedly said about Godot.[6]  There is an almost endless number of things in the play for Estragon and Vladimir to think about, and us too.  The play has enormous intellectual appeal and appeal for intellectuals.  Philosophy, religion, politics, and ethics are just a few of the themes with which it deals, and which the characters discuss.  It is not clear that Estragon and Vladimir make any progress in their speculations, but they greet each day and each other with an embrace and a celebration.

Vladimir: It’s a scandal!

Pozzo: Are you alluding to anything in particular?                                                            

Vladimir: To treat a man…like that…I think that…no…a human being…no…it’s a         scandal.

Estragon: A disgrace.

Vladimir and Estragon reacting to Pozzo’s treatment of his slave Lucky in Act I.

“When Adam delved and Eve span, Who was then the gentleman?,” asked the Lollard priest John Ball, one of the leaders of the English Peasant Revolt of 1381.  In fighting against the oppression of the peasants by their overlords, Ball exhorted his followers to return to the simplicity and social equality of the Garden of Eden, where there was no private property or social hierarchy.  Ball’s appeal tapped into a traditional Christian utopian dream of the sort that in modern times was voiced by John Lennon in his song Imagine.  “Imagine there’s no heaven…Imagine there’s no countries…Imagine there’s no possession,” John Lennon asks us.  And then, he says, imagine the wonderful consequences, with everyone living in peace, sharing the world, and living for today.

Lennon’s words are a surprisingly plausible way of describing the situation of Estragon and Vladimir in Godot.  They own virtually no property, and share what they have.  They do not demonstrate any tribal loyalties or prejudices.  They bicker a lot, but they do not actually fight.  They sometimes envy the seemingly wealthy Pozzo and hope for riches for themselves, but they don’t do anything about it.  They live totally for the day.  So, is Godot intended as a description of utopia?  Or a portrait of dystopia?  Is it a parody of the Garden of Eden?

Godot been called “a mystery wrapped in an enigma.” [7]  It has also been declared so ambiguous as to be “Whatever you want it to be,” let your mind make of it what you will.[8]  Although I think that is an overstatement, the play does make a strong appeal to the imagination.  A big part of this appeal stems from its minimalism.  Godot has a minimalist script calling for a minimalist setting and a minimalist performance.  It strips life down to a bare minimum of things, and focuses on the moment-to-moment and day-to-day survival of its two main characters.  This minimalism makes for a maximum of interpretations.  Godot has been produced as a comedy, tragedy, tragic-comedy, farce, and melodrama.  It has been interpreted as a psychological, political, sociological, metaphysical, and/or religious drama.

The setting is stark, and the play has been described as “about nowhere and therefore about everywhere.”[9]  The stage set consists essentially of a dying tree and a rock.  If it is Eden, it is a devastated garden.  Beckett sets his characters in a barren physical and psychological environment in which they are starving for stimulation.  They seem to suffer from sensory and intellectual deprivation and, as a result, they often imagine things.  Upon first meeting Pozzo, for example, they mistake him for Godot.  Estragon explains: “That is to say…you understand…the dusk…the strain…waiting…I confess…I imagined…for a second.”  We, the audience, too thought that our waiting might be over, that Godot had arrived.  But no, we must wait further.

The imagery is haunting.  It is a post-apocalyptic setting that is befitting a Europe devastated by economic depression and war.  But the setting also befits a post-Holocaust and post-Hiroshima world that has been stripped of its moral veneer.  It is a world that needs an imaginative revival.   Beckett provides a structure for our imaginations, and forces us to think about the possibilities.

Estragon: Well, shall we go?

Vladimir:  Yes, let’s go.

They do not move.

End of Act I of Waiting for Godot.

 “To be or not to be, that is the question,” Hamlet proclaims, as he contemplates suicide and ponders what he should be and how to be it.  Hamlet’s answer is essentially a cop-out.  He claims that killing oneself may not end one’s problems because there may be an afterlife in which one’s tribulations may continue and even increase.  But Hamlet then goes on to pontificate in terms that seem to negate taking action of any sort, and do not apply merely to committing suicide:

Thus conscience doth make cowards of us all,

And thus the native hue of resolution

Is sicklied o’er with the pale cast of thought,

And enterprises of great pitch and moment

With this regard their currents turn awry

And lose the name of action.

This is an elaborate excuse for inaction.  Hamlet is a play about someone who does not want to choose, and does not want to act.  Godot is a play about people who are making choices and taking action.  This is the case even when the result looks like indecision and inaction.

In a seeming parody and rebuke of Hamlet, Vladimir claims that “What are we doing here? That is the question (emphasis in original).”  Suicide is not the question.  Action versus inaction is not the question.  The question is what should we do and why should we do it, since we are always doing something whether we like it or not.  This is the core question of the play and one that almost all of us ask ourselves at least sometimes, some of us a lot.  With this question, the play appeals to the personal experience of the audience, all of us wanderers in a time and place not of our choosing, searching for some meaning and for something meaningful to do with our lives.

Vladimir’s question is also arguably a response to Albert Camus’ influential book The Myth of Sisyphus.  Sisyphus was written in 1942, while France was under Nazi occupation and Camus was involved in the seemingly hopeless struggle of the French underground against the Nazi occupiers.  The opening words of Sisyphus are “There is but one truly philosophical problem, and that is suicide.”  As with Hamlet, suicide is the question.  For Camus, living without hope is the answer.[10]

Sisyphus was a character from Greek mythology who was condemned for eternity to push a rock up a mountain, only to have it roll back down, so that he would have to push it back up again.  Camus claims that Sisyphus embraces this “futile and hopeless labor” because “There is no fate that cannot be surmounted by scorn,” and Sisyphus’ scorn for the gods sets him free.  “Sisyphus,” Camus claims, “teaches the higher fidelity that negates the gods and raises rocks.”  He concludes that “One must imagine Sisyphus happy.”[11]  Heroic endurance, an acceptance of hopelessness, and happiness through scorn for one’s oppressors is Camus’ answer to the question of suicide.

Although Beckett’s main characters in Godot repeatedly consider killing themselves, boredom seems to be the main philosophic question for them, not suicide.  In contrast with Sisyphus, Godot was written at a time when economic depression and war were giving way to economic and political recovery, and the conformity of mass society had become a main worry among intellectuals.  Cultural critics such as Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer were warning about the coming loss of individuality in what was becoming a homogenized Western society.[12]

Adorno and Horkheimer were the advanced guard of a legion of critics concerned that an age of coerced uniformity by fascist dictators was being succeeded by an era of voluntary conformity, and by the boredom that comes from a paucity of imagination, genuine choices and meaning in people’s lives.  Beckett was writing at the dawn of the age of David Reisman’s The Lonely Crowd[13] succeeded by Vance Packard’s The Organization Man,[14] which eventually became Herbert Marcuse’s One Dimensional Man.[15]  Self-suppression and willful conformity were their main concerns.  Western culture, they complained, was becoming a domain of intellectual, experiential, imaginative, and emotional vacuity.

Physical suicide was not the problem for these intellectuals.  Psychological suicide was.  Both Act I and Act II of Godot end with Estragon and Vladimir saying they will kill themselves tomorrow.  But we know they won’t.  They are merely bored, and are entertaining themselves with speculations about committing suicide.  It is just one of the many things they think of doing, but don’t do.  Estragon and Vladimir are continually thinking about how to be, even when they are speculating about how not to be.  They seem to be Beckett’s response to the complaints of mass society theorists.  Beckett’s everymen are as shabby as they can be, but they are anything but conformists.  There is no “Keeping up with the Joneses” with them.  Beckett seems to be saying that a tawdry tedium should not be confused with a vacuous conformity.        

In a contrast with Hamlet, who does not really answer his own question about being, Vladimir answers his.  He says “And we are blessed in this, that we happen to know the answer. Yes, in this immense confusion one thing alone is clear.  We are waiting for Godot to come.”  Unlike Hamlet, Estragon and Vladimir are not dithering around in a quandary about whether or not to do something.  They are doing something, according to Vladimir, even if, like Lenin biding his time in Switzerland, it is only keeping the faith and keeping themselves together while they wait for things to unfold.

“We are not saints,” Vladimir concludes, “but we have kept our appointment” with Godot, and that is something to be proud of.  It is also something with which we in the audience can empathize.  “Eighty percent of success is showing up,” Woody Allen once said.  “I can’t go on,” Estragon complains at one point.  “That’s what you think,” Vladimir responds, and they go on.  Vladimir and Estragon show up every day to wait for Godot.  Most of us would do well to do the same in our own lives.

Estragon: Well, shall we go?                                                                                                        

Vladimir:  Yes, let’s go.

They do not move.

End of Act II of Waiting for Godot.

 “It’s all symbiosis,” Beckett is supposed to have once said about Godot.[16]  Beckett was extremely reluctant to comment on the meaning of his plays, but he seems hereby to have acknowledged that Godot is above all a play about human relationships.  Strip life down to its bare bones and what you have left is relationships.  Godot is frequently paired with Jean Paul Sartre’s No Exit as a play about people who are trapped physically and psychologically, and who cannot get out of the vicious cycles in which their lives, or their afterlives in the case of No Exit, unhappily revolve.  No Exit portrays what Sartre saw as the contradiction between being metaphysically free but psychologically imprisoned, which is a frequent theme in existentialist writing.

Similar to Camus’ writing of Sisyphus, Sartre wrote No Exit in Paris during 1944,while France was still under Nazi occupation.  It is a story about three dead people, a man and two women, who are locked in a room. The room is ostensibly Hell.  In the beginning, they marvel at the idea that where they are is Hell, and they anticipate that they will be okay if being in a locked room is the worst they will suffer for their misdeeds in life.  But then their personalities start to come into play.

The man is chronically depressed and despondent.  One of the women increasingly lusts after him.  The other woman increasingly lusts after the first woman and scorns the man.  He, in turn, seeks the scornful woman’s approval.  The net result is a vicious circle in which each of them preys on the others.  Toward the end of the play, the door to the room opens so that they apparently could exit the room.  None of them, however, chooses to leave.  They seemingly want or need to be tortured.  Psychologically, there is no way out for them.

The man sums up what the play says about the human condition with the phrase: “L’enfer, ces les autres” or “Hell is other people.”  He also voices the moral of the story in the last words of the play: “Eh bien, continuons,” that is, “Let’s continue” or “Let’s get on with it.”  Written in circumstances similar to those in which Camus wrote Sisyphus, Sartre’s moral in No Exit is similar to Camus’ in Sisyphus.  We must resign ourselves to a living hell.  The moral of Godot is different.

There are three sets of symbiotic relationships in Godot: Estragon and Vladimir, Pozzo and Lucky, and the two messenger boys and Godot.  As Pozzo appears in the first act of the play, he is a pompous braggart and a wealthy bully.  He drags his slave Lucky around with a rope and routinely denigrates him.  Although Pozzo looks down upon Estragon and Vladimir for their poverty and for hanging about waiting for Godot, he goes hither and yon without seeming to get anywhere.  In the second act, Pozzo shows up having been accidentally blinded.  Now the slave is pulling him around by the rope.  Pozzo has gone from bumptious to pathetic, but Lucky remains his slave and neither knows how to get away from the other.  Theirs is a symbiotic master-slave relationship that has enslaved and degraded them both, but with no way out.

The two boys have an ambiguous relationship with Godot.  One is a shepherd, the other a goatherd.  Godot apparently mistreats and beats one of them, but it is not clear which.  This is like the Cain and Able story in the Bible in which God favors the shepherd Able over the farmer Cain for no apparent reason.  From passages such as this, many interpreters of the play claim that “It seem fairly certain that Godot stands for God.”[17]  In this view, waiting for Godot would seem like an act of religious faith.  This view is reinforced by Vladimir’s response to Estragon’s question about Godot.  “And if he comes?” asks Estragon.  “We’ll be saved,” answers Vladimir, with salvation generally regarded as a religious goal.  But Godot and salvation could stand for any number of things for which people hope, from God to Lenin’s revolution.  I do not think it matters to the moral of the play.

The moral of the play, I think, resides in the relationship between Estragon and Vladimir.  Most interpretations of the play focus on the dourness of the characters’ situation and the hopelessness of their enterprise.[18]  It has been said that the play has “a unique resonance during times of social and political crisis,” and that its appeal is as a catharsis for people’s despair.[19]  I do not see the play as a catharsis for despair.  I propose, instead, that the play is a success story with a happy ending, thus making for the strong emotional connection that we feel for the characters.

Waiting for the arrival of Godot is primarily an excuse for Estragon and Vladimir to stay together.  The real reason they sit and wait is that they complement each other, care about each other, and take care of each other.  They bicker constantly and repeatedly consider going their separate ways, but they don’t go and they don’t separate.  “It’d be better if we parted,” Estragon suggests for the nth time.  “You always say that,” Vladimir responds, “and you always come crawling back.”

Beckett has been quoted as saying that “Estragon and Vladimir are like a married couple who’ve been together too long.”[20]  They go nowhere, but they have each other.  They seem pathetic at first, but not later.  In the repetition of their daily tedium, Estragon and Vladimir encourage each other to assume a dignified posture, and they appeal to us in their striving for integrity and meaning in their lives.  As they struggle at one point with Estragon’s boots, he observes that “We don’t manage too badly, eh Didi, between the two of us.”  “Yes, yes,” Vladimir agrees, and the conclusion seems to apply to more than just the boots.

Pozzo looks down on Estragon and Vladimir in the first act when he is flying high, but envies them in the second act when he has fallen and they have stayed the same.  Vladimir asks Estragon at one point whether he thinks Pozzo and Lucky have changed.  “Very likely,” Estragon responds, “They all change.  Only we can’t.”  It has been said that the play mocks us, the audience.  We sit in the theater doing nothing while watching actors who do nothing.  We fill our meaningless time watching characters who fill their meaningless time waiting for a phantasm.[21]  I do not agree.

I think the play is in the end a love story, a story of endless love that abides through boredom and makes the tedium of daily life worthwhile.  “How long have we been together all time now?,” Estragon asks.  “I don’t know, fifty years maybe,” Vladimir answers.  Out of almost nothing, out of merely their meager selves, Estragon and Vladimir make meaningful lives through caring about each other and taking care of each other.  The hopefulness in their relationship belies the sparseness of their situation.  It does not matter whether Godot ever shows up.  And that, I believe, best explains the hold that the play has on audiences, and why people continue to sit time and again with Estragon and Vladimir, waiting for Godot.

[1] Atkinson, Brooks. “Beckett’s ‘Waiting for Godot.'”  The New York Times. 4/20/56. at The New York Times>

Beckett-Godot

[2] Adler, Mortimer. How to Read a Book. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1940.

[3] Bulwer-Lytton is even reportedly responsible for convincing Dickens to change the ending of Great Expectations to leave open the possibility that Pip and Estelle will get together, a change that clearly weakened the ending.

[4] The contest has been held annually since 1982 by the English Department at San Jose State University.

[5] Bruner, Jerome. Actual Minds, Possible Worlds.  Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986.

[6] Quoted in www//en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Waiting_for_Godot

[7]  Atkinson, Brooks. “Beckett’s ‘Waiting for Godot.'”  The New York Times. 4/20/56. at The New York Times>

Beckett-Godot

[8] Smith, David; Imogen Carter; & Ally Carnwath.  “In Godot we trust.” 3/7/09.  The Guardian. at http://www.the guardian.com

[9] Smith, David; Imogen Carter; & Ally Carnwath.  “In Godot we trust.” 3/7/09.  The Guardian. at http://www.the guardian.com

[10] Camus, Albert.  The Myth of Sisyphus and Other Essays. New York: Vintage Books, 1955. p.3.

[11]  Camus, Albert.  The Myth of Sisyphus and Other Essays. New York: Vintage Books, 1955. pp.90-91.

[12] Adorno, Theodor & Max Horkheimer.

[13] Reisman, David, et al.  The Lonely Crowd.

[14] Packard, Vance. The Organization Man.

[15] Marcuse, Herbert. The One Dimensional Man.

[16] Quoted in www//en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Waiting_for_Godot

[17] Atkinson, Brooks. “Beckett’s ‘Waiting for Godot.'”  The New York Times. 4/20/56. at The New York Times>

Beckett-Godot

[18] Atkinson, Brooks. “Beckett’s ‘Waiting for Godot.'”  The New York Times. 4/20/56. at The New York Times>

Beckett-Godot

[19] Smith, David; Imogen Carter; & Ally Carnwath.  “In Godot we trust.” 3/7/09.  The Guardian. at http://www.the guardian.com

[20] Smith, David; Imogen Carter; & Ally Carnwath.  “In Godot we trust.” 3/7/09.  The Guardian. at http://www.the guardian.com

[21] Gardner, Lyn. “Waiting for Godot review – a dystopian Laurel and Hardy after an apocalypse.” 6/7/15.  Theatre. at http://www.theguardian.com

Better Dead than Red: Shakespeare’s “Hamlet” and the Cold War against Catholicism in Elizabethan England

                                                        Better Dead than Red:

Shakespeare’s Hamlet and the Cold War against Catholicism in Elizabethan England

Burton Weltman

The Devil Made Me Do It: The Ghost from Hell.

“Who is there?”  These are the first words of Hamlet, and they pose the key question of the play.  The question is asked by a soldier nervously standing guard on a dark night, worried by ominous reports of a ghost on the prowl.  Understandably upset by the nightly appearance and disappearance of the ghost, the soldier poses the underlying problem of Hamlet, and then himself disappears from the play.  The problem he poses is that of who and what is a person’s self.   How can one distinguish a real self from one that is false, a good self from one that is evil?  How can one know who and what is Hamlet?  How can one know who and what are the other living characters in the play?  Most important, who and what is the ghost?  Who really is there?[1]

The ghost is the key to Hamlet. The action in the play all stems from his demand that Hamlet kill Claudius, the king of Denmark.  The ghost claims to be Hamlet’s father, the previous king.  He says he was murdered by Claudius, and he has come from Purgatory to demand that Hamlet avenge his murder.  Hamlet’s friend Horatio doubts the identity and intentions of the ghost, and battles the influence of the ghost on Hamlet throughout the play.  Hamlet himself swings back and forth from believing in the bone fides of the ghost to doubting them, repeatedly asking himself whether the ghost might be from Hell.  “The spirit that I have seen may be a devil,” he worries, “and the devil hath power t’ assume a pleasing shape, yea, and perhaps out of my weakness and my melancholy, as he is very potent with such spirits, abuses me to damn me.”[2]

So, who and what is the ghost?  The thesis of this essay is that Shakespeare intended his audience to see the ghost as an agent of the Devil, an evil spirit whose mission was to use the truth about the murder of Hamlet’s father as a means of promoting unholy havoc in Denmark.   The evidence for this interpretation is the ghost’s reference to Purgatory and to other elements of Catholicism that were rejected as perverse doctrines by Protestants in the sixteenth century.  The ghost represents Catholicism.  Hamlet’s Denmark, like Shakespeare’s England, was a Protestant country.  Within the Protestant ideology of those countries, the Catholic Church was an agency of the Devil.  The ghost’s espousal of Catholic doctrines would make him an agent of the Devil.  This is a conclusion that Shakespeare would have expected his Elizabethan audience to reach.

There is a perverse influence that pervades Hamlet and overcomes most of the characters in the play.  It is the influence of the ghost.  The tragedy of Hamlet is that Hamlet does not follow his better judgment that the ghost is an agent of the Devil.  Instead, he makes the fateful and fatal error of keeping the ghost’s story secret and promising to undertake an act of murderous revenge at the ghost’s behest.  This is a conclusion that Shakespeare would also have expected his audience to reach based on the anti-Catholic prejudice that they shared.

The underlying anti-Catholicism is an aspect of the play that most interpreters either miss or slur over.  In a production of Hamlet that I recently saw at the Stratford Theatre Festival in Canada, the actors and the stage were festooned with Catholic symbols, as though Hamlet and the other Danes were Catholics.  The point is not to highlight or promote the anti-Catholicism in the play.  But if one does not take it into consideration, one can miss other key points in the play.

This was the case, for example, in the performance of Hamlet at Stratford that I recently saw which was played essentially as melodrama, with Hamlet as a romantic hero, rather than tragedy as Shakespeare intended.  My conclusion is that an understanding of what Shakespeare intended in his plays requires an appreciation of the cold war against Catholicism in Elizabethan England, and the anti-Catholicism embedded within Shakespeare’s plays and the roles that his characters play.

Hamlet is a play about role playing, about the question of “Who is there?”  The main characters self-consciously play different roles at different times, and display different selves depending on their audiences.  This theme is accentuated by the play within the play that is staged by Hamlet, a fictional representation of the sort of murder that Claudius committed against Hamlet’s father.  Hamlet hopes that by showing Claudius a fictional version of his misdeeds, Claudius might be provoked into publicly revealing his evil self and his guilt.

Claudius does react in a way that confirms his guilt to Hamlet and Horatio who already suspect him, but Claudius is able to put on an act that convinces others at the performance that he is only unwell.  This scene highlights the problem that is posed in Hamlet.  The characters in the play, and this includes the ghost, are playing a form of “prisoners game” in which they have to continually decide what truths of themselves to reveal or hide, and whether and to what extent they can believe in the others.  Deception and hypocrisy abound in this game.

“To thine own self be true,” intones Polonius, Claudius’ chief advisor.  It is his penultimate advice in a series of platitudinous admonitions with which he has been regaling his son Laertes and his daughter Ophelia in an early scene of Hamlet.  This last exhortation is generally treated by interpreters of the play as a serious piece of advice, unlike the platitudes Polonius has previously been spouting.  In the performance of Hamlet that I recently saw, the actor playing Polonius paused and took on a portentously solemn tone when he came to this line.

But this last admonition is, in fact, as inane as the bromides that preceded it because it begs the question of “Which self?”  Everyone in this play has many selves.  To which self should one be true?  The hypocrisy of Polonius’ advice is also immediately revealed when a few moments later he orders Ophelia to pretend indifference to Hamlet, whom she clearly and dearly loves.  That is, Polonius insists that Ophelia play true to herself in her role as a dutiful daughter, but be untrue to herself and play false in her role as a lover.  Hamlet also loses himself in the multiple roles he is trying to play, and ends up playing the fool to the ghost, the Devil and the hated Catholic Church.

Catholicism, Protestantism and Shakespeare: Situating Hamlet in his place and time.

Most modern day admirers of Shakespeare, of which I am one, would like to acquit the Bard of the conventional prejudices of his era.  England in the late 1500’s and early 1600’s was rife with sexism, anti-Semitism, racism and anti-Catholicism.  Since Shakespeare’s plays, like those of any writer, inevitably reflect the society in which he lived, his plays are full of examples of these prejudices.  They include sexism in The Taming of the Shrew, anti-Semitism in The Merchant of Venice, racism in Othello, and anti-Catholicism in King John.  Shakespeare’s plays have historically been usually performed in ways that accept and even promote these prejudices.

In most productions of Taming, for example, Kate’s last speech, in which she professes abject obedience to her husband, has been played as the moral of the story.[3]  In productions of Merchant, Shylock has often been “played by a comedian as a repulsive clown or, alternatively, as a monster of unrelieved evil.”[4]  The play has often also been retitled as “The Jew of Venice,” thereby focusing on Shylock and his religion.[5]  Othello has often been portrayed in the past as a lascivious African, which played into racist stereotypes of blacks.  The play has frequently been retitled “The Moor of Venice,” thereby focusing on Othello’s supposed racial difference.[6]

Since sexism, anti-Semitism and racism are offensive to most present-day sensibilities, modern interpreters have tried to re-imagine what Shakespeare might have meant so as to remove the sting of prejudice from lines and scenes that have previously been performed in invidious ways.  One of the great things about Shakespeare’s plays is that the same words can be spoken and enacted in different ways.  He gives interpreters an opportunity to stay true to the scripts yet perform the plays with a variety of different characterizations and actions.  Given this latitude, I think one can reasonably interpret the instances of sexism, anti-Semitism and racism in plays such as Taming, Merchant, and Othello as ironic rather than prescriptive.  One can, thereby, place Shakespeare in the position of obliquely critiquing rather than promoting those biases.

One could, for example, play Kate in Taming as retreating at the end of the play in the face of overwhelming pressure, but ready to resume the battle against sexism at a later date.  One could portray Antonio, the merchant in Merchant, and his colleagues as hypocrites who condemn Shylock for holding to a materialistic ethos and engaging in sharp practices of which they are themselves more guilty.  One could cast Othello as a swarthy North African no darker than the Italians with whom he lives and who taunt him as black merely because of his immigrant origins, as Irish were similarly taunted in the United States during the nineteenth century.

I do not, however, think that the same ironical approach can be taken with the anti-Catholicism in Shakespeare’s plays.  It is too pervasive in the plays and in Elizabethan society.  There are limits to what one can legitimately do with Shakespeare’s plays without rewriting or deleting the offensive parts, as some interpreters do, so that the plays are no longer Shakespeare’s.  Nor can one just ignore the anti-Catholicism, as many do, and interpret the plays as though it was not there.  Shakespeare had ideas about things and a legitimate interpretation of his work must stay within the range of his ideas.  A different strategy must be employed with Shakespeare’s anti-Catholicism to save the integrity of the scripts without promoting the prejudice.

 

Papism, Communism, and Paranoia: Cold Wars and their Cultural Consequences.

The Protestant Reformation of the early sixteenth century triggered violent religious conflicts between Catholics and Protestants in England and most of Europe, some of which continue to the present day in places such as Ireland.  These conflicts were very similar to the Cold War between Communism and capitalism that occurred during the last half of the twentieth century.  This Cold War is in the living memory of those of us in the older generation.  It is also, hopefully, within the historical memory of younger people who have studied it in school.  A comparison of the recent Cold War against Communism and the Elizabethan cold war against Catholicism will help elucidate the circumstances in which Shakespeare composed his plays.

In the capitalist United States during the Cold War, and especially at the height of tensions during the 1950’s and early 1960’s, Communist countries were widely portrayed by the government and mass media as totalitarian dictatorships in which people were brainwashed into zombies.  People in these countries supposedly suffered through gray lives in slavish subjugation to an all-powerful government.  American Communists were, in turn, portrayed as traitorous agents of a monolithic movement that was steadily and stealthily taking over the world, forcefully conquering countries that were weakly defended militarily, and subversively undermining countries that were weakly defended morally.[7]

Communism was condemned as an absolute evil, with Communists acting essentially as agents of the Devil, and identified with the Devil’s color as Reds.  Since Communists generally eschewed religion, they were condemned as godless by political and religious conservatives, many of whom took this identification with the Devil literally.[1]  It was widely believed that once Communists took over a country, they created an all embracing godless tyranny from which people could never escape.  From this portrait of Communism emerged the war cry of many conservatives during this period of “Better dead than Red,” that is, better to have a nuclear war that kills all life on earth than let Communism take over America.  Any cooperation with a Communist or tolerance of Communism anywhere was deemed an act of treason to the United States, to American ideals of freedom and democracy, and to God.[2]

Political conservatives during this period used anti-Communism as a club against liberals.  Any criticism of American society — whether it be racism, sexism, inequality, or poverty –was condemned as a form of aiding and abetting the Communist enemy, even if, and especially if, the criticism was accurate.  Communists, the conservatives claimed, would seize on any fault or flaw in American society to create discontent and disorder, to discredit the legitimate authorities, and in this way seduce people into supporting Communism.[3]

Congressional Committees and vigilante organizations worked to eliminate alleged Communists (Commies), radicals (Commie symps) and liberals (Commie dupes) from working in the government, the schools, the professions, and the entertainment industry.  Almost every industry was affected.  If a person was named as a Commie, Commie symp or Commie dupe, the person’s name would generally appear on a blacklist and employers would be warned not to hire the person upon penalty of being boycotted or possibly even prosecuted.[4]  As a result of this red-baiting, as it was called, many progressive social movements that had been active during the 1930’s and 1940’s died out.[5]

In the wake of the Cold War, we can see today that the fears of Communism and measures taken against it were clearly excessive.  Although Communist regimes were invariably oppressive, they were also frequently incompetent.  Even if the Soviet Union posed some threat to the United States during this period, the Soviets were never in any position to invade Western Europe, let alone the United States.  Communism was, in turn, not a monolithic movement.  It took different forms in the various countries in which Communists held power and among the Communist parties that operated within capitalist countries.  Communist countries were, in fact, in almost constant conflict with each other, as were Communist parties.   Nor were Communist regimes totalitarian, whatever might have been the aspirations of their rulers.  This is shown by the fact that Communism in the Soviet Union and almost all of Eastern Europe fell peacefully and as a result of internal revolts by people who had just had enough of it.  These people were clearly not brainwashed zombies.

It is also the case that very few American Communists were spies or traitors.  The Soviet Union actually preferred to use mercenary spies who worked for money rather than American Communists who might be motivated by idealism.  Mercenaries were more reliable than idealists who might object to doing something that harmed the United States.  Most American Communists were motivated primarily by patriotism, whether or not misguided.[6]  Nonetheless, many people’s lives were ruined in this country by misdirected anti-Communist attacks, and social progress was stalled.  Abroad, unnecessary wars were fought, cruel dictators were supported, and money was wasted on unnecessary armaments.

Anti-Communism also had a constricting effect on American culture, especially during the 1950’s and early 1960’s.  Controversial issues and social problems were generally avoided, and anti-Communist themes were awkwardly interjected, as writers, producers and directors of plays, movies and television shows bowed to Cold War priorities.  Their works were distorted and diminished in ways that were sometimes blatant but often subtle.  Playing into the common understandings of people at that time, anti-Communist themes were inserted in their works in ways that would have been recognized by people then, even though they might not be understood by audiences today.  The result has been widely considered a gray era in American culture.[7]

The work of Elia Kazan, one of the greatest movie directors of all time, exemplifies this effect.  Because of Kazan’s membership in the Communist Party during the 1930’s, he was summoned to appear before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) in 1953.  He had two choices at that point.  He could either testify against friends and colleagues who had been Communists or had been otherwise politically active in progressive causes, or be black-listed from working as a director.  He chose to testify against his friends –“Naming names” this sort of testimony was called — and he thereby saved his career.  But he was thereafter roundly criticized and ostracized by many of his former associates, both Communist and non-Communist alike.

Stung by this criticism, Kazan made the movie On the Waterfront (1954) which glorifies snitching on one’s friends and colleagues to a government committee.  Although Communists do not appear in the film, which is about gangsters, the movie was clearly a defense of Kazan’s finking on his friends and a testament to anti-Communism.  It is a great movie because of the performances of the actors and Kazan’s filming, but the plot is overblown and overly melodramatic as a result of Kazan’s desire to justify himself and pay homage to HUAC.  The movie was essentially a testimonial in support of the damage done to American culture by HUAC and other anti-Communist organizations.[8]

Kazan bowed even lower to the anti-Communist crusaders in the film Viva Zapata (1952), which was made just prior to his HUAC testimony.  It is a portrayal of the early twentieth century Mexican revolutionary Emilio Zapata.  The movie is a cautionary tale about how a revolution can become corrupt and dictatorial and, as such, was a clear reference to the Soviet Union.  Kazan also insisted that the script include a fictional character named Fernando Aguirre.  Aguirre is a vicious revolutionary who turns on Zapata when he thinks Zapata is getting too soft, and who is clearly modeled after the 1950’s anti-Communist stereotype of a Communist agent.  Aguirre is an anachronism and out of place in the film.  The purpose of his character was not, however, aesthetic.  It was specifically to enable Kazan to tell HUAC that “This is an anti-Communist picture.”   That is, even though Communism had nothing to do with the Mexican Revolution and is not mentioned in the film, Kazan felt the necessity to distort and diminish his movie in order to placate the anti-Communist sentiment in the country.[9]

A similar Cold War of Protestants against Catholics occurred in England during Shakespeare’s time with similar effects.  If one substitutes the words Catholicism and Catholics for the words Communism and Communists, one can use essentially the same language and descriptions of the Capitalist-Communist Cold War to describe the conflict between Protestants and Catholics.  Each side portrayed the other as the Devil’s disciples.  Savage wars were waged between Protestant and Catholic countries, and cruel tortures were inflicted, in the name of God and the true religion.  Ordinary people could not avoid the conflict.  Everyone was forced to own up to being either Protestant or Catholic and, thereby, forced to take sides and take the consequences.[10]

England went back and forth several times during the sixteenth century between being controlled by Catholic regimes and Protestant regimes, each of which savaged adherents of the opposing religion.  The changes were abrupt and left many people in limbo, unsure which way to turn because turning the wrong way could be fatal.  As during the Cold War in America, families were split over the issue.  Friends turned against friends.  Neighbors spied on neighbors and reported them to the authorities.  Paranoia and hysteria were always just around the corner.

Catholics were disparaged by Protestants as Papists.  Just as American Communists were considered to be loyal to the Communist government in the Soviet Union rather than to the United States, English Catholics were considered to be loyal to the Pope and the Church in Rome instead of their Queen and country.  Hence the term Papist, someone who supposedly worships the Pope.  Similar to the Communists, Catholics were believed to be part of a monolithic international conspiracy that aimed to control the world through force or subversion.  Powered by a vanguard of Jesuit priests whose supposed stock-in-trade was using tricks of logic to seduce people into converting to Catholicism (hence the pejorative term “Jesuitical”), Jesuits were accused of trying to worm their way into English society in order to subvert and pervert it.

As with Communists during the Cold War, Catholics were portrayed by Protestant leaders as traitors who could not be trusted, subversives who had to be rooted out of public life, and spies who had to be caught and even killed.  In 1559, a year after Elizabeth’s ascension to the throne and abrupt reconversion of England from Catholicism to Protestantism, being a practicing Catholic was made illegal and saying Mass was made a capital offense.  Although these laws were honored more in the breach, they were designed to keep Catholics on edge and in line.  As a result, Catholics were forced to hold Mass in secret, which only reinforced Protestant fears of a subversive Catholic conspiracy.

The trials, tribulations and murder of Shakespeare’s fellow playwright Christopher Marlowe, who was charged with heresy and was a Catholic-Protestant double agent, attest to the dangers of stepping out of line.  Shakespeare was, thus, writing at a time when Protestants and Catholics were at each others’ throats, and in a place where being caught practicing Catholicism could get you killed.  These circumstances are reflected in Shakespeare’s plays.[11]

As with the Cold War against Communism, Elizabethan anti-Catholicism appears in retrospect to have been both excessive and irrational.  Catholics and Catholic countries did not constitute a monolithic movement manipulated by the Pope.  To the contrary, Catholic countries often disobeyed and even attacked the Pope, and were almost as likely to go to war against each other as against Protestant countries.  Likewise, different orders within the Catholic Church — Jesuits, Dominicans, Franciscans, et al.– were almost as opposed to each other as to Protestants.  Anti-Catholicism had, nonetheless, a significant effect on Elizabethan culture and society.

There has been speculation that Shakespeare’s father, who was born Catholic, remained  a closet Catholic after the English Reformation and that Shakespeare had Catholic sympathies.[12] Although there were Catholics in Shakespeare’s extended family, there is no evidence that he was a Catholic.[13]  In any case, whatever Shakespeare’s sympathies, the key fact is that he was writing for an overwhelmingly Protestant audience and for theaters that were being closely monitored by a fiercely Protestant government.  This was a government that, according to historian Michael Wood, “employed a network of informers, spies and bounty hunters, who pried into every aspect of people’s business affairs, their religion, and even their sex life.”[14]  Shakespeare’s family’s connections to the Catholic Church might have made him even more careful to be seen on the Protestant side of things.  If he had not adhered to the Protestant line, the Bard would likely have been debarred from public life.

Shakespeare set many of his plays in England and Italy during times when those places were under the religious hegemony of the Catholic Church, and in each of these plays he portrays Catholic priests, officials and doctrines in negative ways.  While Shakespeare never uses the terms Catholic or Protestant and never attacks the Catholic Church by name, he plays into the understanding that his audiences would have had of the differences and disputes between the religions, and he invariably comes down against the Catholics.  Obvious examples of this include the reprehensible representative of the Pope in King John, the warmongering Cardinals in Henry V, and the foolish priest in Romeo and Juliet. 

The merchant Antonio and the other Catholics in The Merchant of Venice are less obvious examples of Shakespeare’s anti-Catholicism until you recognize that money lending was prohibited by the Catholic Church but allowed by Protestant churches, and that Shakespeare’s father was a moneylender who had been arrested at least twice for usury by Catholic authorities.  Given these facts, Shakespeare was not likely to intend Shylock as a villain based on his being a moneylender nor intend Antonio as a hero based on his opposition to moneylending .  Since Antonio engages in business practices that are portrayed in the play as comparable to usury, it is even less likely that Shakespeare intended him to be viewed as a hero.  Although they are rarely played in this way, Antonio and his Catholic colleagues seem intended by Shakespeare to be played as bigoted hypocrites.

The conflict between Protestants and Catholics is a theme that I think is not sufficiently acknowledged in most interpretations and performances of Shakespeare’s plays.  Since the anti-Catholicism in the plays is pervasive and not easy to delete or dissolve, it is often just ignored and the plays are then performed in ways that I believe do not reflect the light in which Shakespeare intended audiences to see his characters.  Thus, the merchant Antonio is generally played as a good guy in Merchant and, as a result, no matter how sympathetically the actor playing Shylock says his lines — even weeping when he asks “If you prick us, do we not bleed?” — the play comes off as anti-Semitic.  This is, I think, a mistake.  The historian Christopher Hill has warned that “We should always take seriously the religious professions of sixteenth century men and women, for many of whom eternity might seem much more real than this brief and uncertain life on earth.”[15]  This would likely be true of many in Shakespeare’s audience and might even be true of Shakespeare himself.

At the same time, acknowledging the anti-Catholicism in Shakespeare’s plays does not require one to promote it.  His decision not to explicitly denote people and things in his plays as Catholic and Protestant is significant.  In this way, Shakespeare stands in sharp contrast with Marlowe who openly promoted the prejudices of his age.  Marlowe’s The Jew of Malta features a Jew who “becomes a greedy murderer.”  The play is explicitly anti-Semitic and presents a very different picture of Jews than Shakespeare’s Merchant.  Marlowe’s Massacre of Paris features a group of Catholics who want to slaughter Protestants.  “The basic message is that Catholics are murderous beasts.”[16]  This vicious portrait of Catholics is very different from Shakespeare’s oblique obeisance to the anti-Catholicism of his society.  Although Marlowe has his devotees, some of whom even claim that he wrote Shakespeare’s plays, his plays are rarely performed.  Their overt and overwhelming anti-Semitism and anti-Catholicism are a big part of the reason.

Shakespeare used code words and cues to express anti-Catholicism.  In so doing, he gave interpreters an opportunity to recognize the light in which he wanted characters and ideas to be portrayed without their having explicitly to engage in anti-Catholicism.  He may have done this deliberately.  In staging Merchant, for example, one does not have to attire Antonio with a cross or have him fingering Rosary beads, which would explicitly denote him as a Catholic.  One merely has to understand that Shakespeare did not intend to portray Antonio as a model citizen or damn Shylock for his being a moneylender.  This understanding sheds a whole new light on the play as compared with the way it is usually performed.[17]

Hamlet is set in a country, Denmark, that had abruptly converted from Catholicism to Protestantism during the 1530’s.  This setting provided Shakespeare with an opportunity to portray some of the confusion and controversies that had been experienced in England as a result of Henry VIII’s similarly abrupt conversion of England to Protestantism during the 1530’s and Elizabeth’s abrupt reconversion of the country during the 1550’s.

Medievalism Run Rampant: Better Dead than Dread.

“Something is rotten in the state of Denmark” concludes one of the soldiers who has seen the ghost in an early scene of Hamlet, and who then disappears from the playThis line is usually interpreted as meaning that the appearance of the ghost indicates something is wrong with the country.  In this interpretation, the ghost is a sign of existing corruption in the state, which we soon understand as the murder of Hamlet’s father by Claudius.[18]  But the line could also mean that something bad is beginning and that the ghost is both a cause and an effect of it.  This latter interpretation is, I think, the better of the two.  The murder of Hamlet’s father may have begun the rot, but rot spreads.  The whole edifice can come tumbling down unless the spread is checked.  The soldier’s statement is, in this light, an ominous prediction of how murder can lead to murder, and a premonition about the effect that the ghost is going to have on the country.

The ghost dominates the play and essentially ruins the country.  The name of the play is Hamlet and Hamlet is the name of the young prince who runs riot through the play, but it is also the name of the prince’s dead father whom the ghost ostensibly represents.  It is that elder Hamlet who is the center of the action in the play.  Almost everything bad that happens is a result of the ghost’s insistence that young Hamlet avenge the death of his father.  And even though the ghost directly participates in only three scenes, he is a pervading evil influence throughout the play.

The effect of the ghost is often underplayed in performances of Hamlet.  To dramatize his effect on the action, I would arrange the stage lighting to indicate day versus night, and have the ghost lurking in the background unseen by the other characters during the nighttime scenes.  Hamlet’s most violent scenes would be played at night with the ghost lurking about.  At the very end of the final murderous scene, I would have the ghost leave the stage appearing to be satisfied at the outcome.  Elizabethans believed that the Devil could manipulate the truth in the service of evil.  The ghost should be seen as a demon from Hell who has been sent to undermine Protestant Denmark with the truth about the death of Hamlet’s father, and succeeds in this mission.

Hamlet is one of Shakespeare’s most pliant plays.  Hamlet, for example, can be characterized and played in a wide variety of ways.  Samuel Taylor Coleridge saw him as a dithering intellectual who knows that he must kill Claudius but gets caught up in “endless reasoning and hesitating.”  Coleridge viewed Hamlet as unmanly and a weakling. [19]  Mark Van Dorn agreed that Hamlet is an intellectual but claimed that “Hamlet is an actor,” and a chronic dissembler.  “We cannot assume, indeed, that he believes what he says.”  Van Doren sees Hamlet as essentially a schizoid with multiple personalities. [20]  Fintan O’Toole sees Hamlet as a sociopath who is caught between medieval and modern ways of thinking, and does not know which way to turn.[21]  Harold Goddard saw Hamlet as a pacifist who tries everything he can to avoid killing Claudius.[22]  Each of these is a plausible and playable interpretation of the character.

Hamlet has been condemned as “a slob, a shirker, or a mother-fixated neurotic” with an Oedipus Complex.[23]  He has been “pronounced both a hero and a dreamer, hard and soft, cruel and gentle, brutal and angelic, like a lion and like a dove.”[24]  He has been seen as an existentialist (“To be or not to be…”), a moral relativist (“There is nothing good or bad but thinking makes it so.”), a skeptic (What a piece of work is a man…what is this quintessence of dust?”), a determinist (“There’s a predestinate providence in the fall of a sparrow.”), or some combination of the above.  The vast possibilities contribute to making Hamlet such an interesting play.

Whatever else Hamlet is, however, he is also a religiously perplexed person.  When we first meet him, he is arguing with Claudius about his desire to go back to school in Wittenberg, which is also the alma mater of Hamlet’s good friend Horatio.  Later, when the ghost first talks to Hamlet, the ghost says that he resides by day in Purgatory and walks abroad by night.  These two references, the one to Luther’s Protestant university in Wittenberg, and the other to the Catholic doctrine of Purgatory which Protestants rejected, would delineate for Shakespeare’s audience a conflict between Catholicism and Protestantism that confounds Hamlet and permeates the play.

Hamlet is clearly religious or he would not be attending Wittenberg University.  There were plenty of other less religious schools that a Danish prince could have attended.  So, how can a religiously Protestant Hamlet believe a ghost that says it resides in Purgatory, a place whose existence Protestants deny?  Belief in ghosts was common among Protestants and Renaissance philosophers, but not a ghost from Purgatory.  It stands to reason that Hamlet would be perplexed.  So that when he tells a skeptical Horatio that “There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, than are dreamt of in your philosophy,” i.e. in Horatio’s and Hamlet’s Protestant philosophy, these lines should probably be articulated in a tentative, quizzical way.  In most performances of Hamlet, the lines are said in an emphatic, declaratory manner, as though Hamlet is completely convinced of the reliability of the ghost.  But that reading of the lines does not fit the situation of a young man who has just had his whole universe turned upside down.

Hamlet’s reluctance to kill Claudius is generally interpreted in a negative way.  He is portrayed as overly intellectual or cowardly or depressive or passive.  But given the religious and intellectual shock Hamlet has just been given — Could Catholicism be the true religion? — his caution would seem well-founded.  Hamlet’s hemming and hawing back and forth during the play correspond to an internal battle between his Reformation/Renaissance self and the Medieval/Catholic memes that he inherited from his ancestors.  This conflict within Hamlet, between old and new ways of being and believing, was analogous to the contemporary social and religious conflict in Elizabethan England.

Hamlet’s father must have been sympathetic to the Renaissance or he would not have sent his son to a university, and he must have been a dedicated Protestant or he would not have sent Hamlet to Wittenberg.  Hamlet’s father was, however, likely born a Catholic and was a transitional figure between Medieval ways and Renaissance society.  The ghost’s claim that he resides in Purgatory reflects the father’s likely childhood Catholic beliefs.  The ghost’s appearance in Medieval armor,[25] which had been rendered virtually useless by the development of armor-penetrating guns during the Renaissance, represents the Medieval side of Hamlet’s father.  And his insistence on Hamlet’s revenging the murder of Hamlet’s father also reflects a Medieval perspective.[26]

Revenge was a Medieval form of justice that the Catholic Church had criticized but ultimately tolerated.  European countries did not have well-developed criminal justice systems during the Middle Ages and did not have prison systems.  As a result, private justice and corporal punishment were the norms.  “Vengeance and feud were an essential part” of Medieval culture, and revenge was “both a right and a duty, and was legislated and regulated by social norms.”[27]  Renaissance reformers promoted a more rational system of justice in which the rule of law rather than the rule of the strongest would prevail.  Renaissance monarchs embraced these reforms as a means of centralizing the power of the justice system in their own hands.  Prisons were, likewise, a recent Renaissance development in Europe, as places where convicted wrongdoers could be punished through being incarcerated instead of being physically harmed.[28]

These were reforms that the fictional Hamlet and the author Shakespeare would likely have endorsed.  The ghost’s insistence on murderous revenge indicates that he is out of step with the times and not to be trusted by Hamlet.  The ghost represents a side of Hamlet’s father that Hamlet had seemingly wished to leave behind in going to Wittenberg, and a barbarous Medieval past that England was trying to get beyond.

So, how is it that the ghost succeeds in entrapping Hamlet with his wiles?  He is a cunningly manipulative ghost.  He arrives in Denmark at a time when people are seeming to begin to have doubts about King Claudius.  The “Something is rotten” statement by a common soldier, who knows nothing of what the ghost is going to tell Hamlet about the death of his father, indicates that common people were uneasy about the state of affairs.  The ghost also arrives at a time when Hamlet is feeling renewed disgust about his mother’s marriage to Claudius, and when Hamlet is in turmoil about whether or not to abandon a rotting Denmark for school in Wittenberg.

The ghost describes the death of his father in terms most likely to inflame Hamlet.  He also disingenuously tells Hamlet not to “Taint thy mind” against his mother but then describes Hamlet’s mother as only “seeming virtuous” and says that she has made “the royal bed of Denmark…a couch for luxury and damned incest.”  Having just had those same thoughts about his mother earlier before meeting the ghost, Hamlet exclaims “O my prophetic soul” in response to the ghost’s tale.  He very much wants at that point to believe the ghost.

Horatio is skeptical, as would Shakespeare’s audience.  People of that time would find it hard to believe that God “unleashed  [the dead] back on earth to stir up revenge.”[29]  That was the Devil’s business.  Horatio had also noticed at the ghost’s previous appearance that when the cock crowed at the break of dawn, “it started, like a guilty thing upon a fearful summons,” which would seem to be a call from Hell.  Hamlet tries to assure Horatio that “It is an honest ghost, that let me tell you.”  But, he is seemingly not so assured himself because he concocts on the spot a method of testing the ghost’s honesty by feigning madness.  In this way, he can ask questions of people in the castle that might otherwise seem suspicious and thereby, he hopes, provoke responses that might be telling.[30]

It is a plan, however, that plays right into the hands of the ghost.  Encouraged by the ghost, Hamlet swears to secrecy his friends who have seen the ghost.  Hamlet then goes off to conduct his researches on his own, taking it upon himself to right the wrongs that have been done to the state of Denmark, as though the only wrong was to himself as the son of a murdered King and an ostensibly incestuous Queen.  Within the context of Elizabethan times and the play itself, this is wrong and a mistake.

The rottenness of the state is a matter of concern for everyone in Denmark, as indicated by the soldier’s comment.  The problem is not merely the murder of a father and the incest of a mother.  It is having a king who has murdered his way to the throne and who seems more interested in drinking and partying than in protecting Denmark from a potential invasion from Norway.  In turn, when Laertes is able to rouse public concern about his father’s death and, thereby, force an inquiry into the circumstances, Laertes demonstrates that it is possible to take political concerns to the people and get action that way.  Hamlet could seemingly have done something similar.  His anger and his arrogance, encouraged by the ghost, lead him to go off on his own, and wreak the havoc on Denmark that the ghost seemingly intended.

Although Hamlet’s enthusiasm for killing Claudius ebbs and flows in the course of the play, the ghost gradually extends his evil influence over Hamlet, and Hamlet loses his better self.  Hamlet, in turn, descends from feigning madness into actual madness as he goes from murder to murder: killing Polonius, driving Ophelia to suicide, arranging the murders of Rosenkrantz and Guildenstern, and finally participating in the slaughter at the end of the play.

As a means of dramatizing the growing control of the ghost over Hamlet , one might have the ghost appear with a long mustache, beard and hair, groomed but in a style that would have been seen by Shakespeare’s audience as Medieval.  Hamlet would appear initially in the short-haired, highly groomed style of a Renaissance courtier.  As the play proceeds, Hamlet would gradually grow a long mustache, beard and hair in an unkempt manner befitting his madness, feigned and/or real.  In the next to last scene of the play with Horatio, Hamlet would groom himself into the Medieval likeness of his father as represented by the ghost, and then go off to the fatal duel.

In most modern productions, the character of Hamlet is played as being surprised by the murderous turn at the end of the play.  But this reaction does not seem plausible.  Hamlet knows at that point that Claudius is trying to kill him and that Laertes is outraged over Hamlet’s murder of Laertes’ father Polonius.  Hamlet must surmise that the supposedly harmless duel Claudius has arranged between Hamlet and Laertes is actually a setup for mortal combat between them.  Hamlet’s bantering with Horatio, Laertes and the others before the duel is just another bit of posing.  Hamlet would likely be on guard and might even be shown to have secreted a weapon on his person.  As he and Laertes duel, Hamlet would almost certainly see that Laertes’ sword is unabated, albeit he does not know its tip is poisoned.  When Hamlet exchanges swords with Laertes in the midst of their duel, he would know that he is grabbing a murderous weapon.  We cannot know what Hamlet has in mind or plans then to do, because events take an unexpected turn as a result of the various poisons taking effect at that point.

When Hamlet dies, the ghost is satisfied but I think that we in the audience also feel relief.  Hamlet has morally descended under the influence of the ghost, and we feel it despite our sympathy for him and his predicament.  He has directly or indirectly been the cause of the deaths of seven people, not including himself.  And he has admitted that he has no qualms about having killed the innocent Polonius and caused the deaths of the hapless Rosenkrantz and Guildenstern.  Having become a Papist dupe of the ghost, Hamlet has become a symbol of the Medieval violence that Elizabethans hoped to leave behind.  He has also essentially become as much of a villain as the man he had sworn to eliminate.  For this reason, Mark Van Doren concluded that “The world could not let so destructive a man live longer.”[31]

At the same time, members of Shakespeare’s contemporary audience would recognize that the ghost had just done to sixteenth century Protestant Denmark what they believed the Pope was trying to do to turn-of-the-seventeenth century Protestant England, which was to bring down the state and leave the country vulnerable to invasion by its enemies.  The play served as a warning to them.

Cold Wars and their Cultural Consequences: Playing Down Paranoia.

Shakespeare incorporated anti-Catholic elements into his plays that probably were necessary and seemingly were sufficient to satisfy the prejudice and paranoia of his audiences and the authorities.  But one of the great things about Shakespeare is that he was able to do this without significantly diminishing or distorting his work.  The anti-Catholic intimations and implications in his plays were clear to people of his time.  But his indirection also allows us today to recognize the anti-Catholicism in his plays, and incorporate it into our analysis of them, without promoting the prejudice and paranoia of Elizabethan England that prompted it.

Shakespeare made it possible for us to perform his scripts without showing overt anti-Catholicism in our performances of them.  We don’t have to make the ghost wear a Catholic cross.  We don’t have to think of Hamlet as a Papist dupe, as Elizabethans might have.  But honoring Shakespeare’s scripts does require us to accept the evaluation of characters and events as he indicated them through his anti-Catholic references.  Those references are often keys to understanding the plays as he meant them.  As to Hamlet, those references means the ghost is evil and Hamlet is a dupe.  We can avoid displaying the prejudice but not its implications for the meaning of the play.

[1]  “Cold War.” American History. ABC-CLIO, 2011.

[2]   Goldwater, Barry. Conscience of a Conservative. New York: Victor Pub. Co., 1960. pp.25, 71.

[3]  Foner, Eric. The Story of American Freedom. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1998. pp.256-258.

Lens, Sidney. Radicalism in America. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1969. p.343.

[4]  Caute, David. The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge under Truman and Eisenhower.  New York: Simon & Schuster, 1979.

[5]  “Cold War.” American History. ABC-CLIO, 2011.

[6]  Lyons, Paul. Philadelphia Communists, 1936-1956. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1982.

[7]  Navasky, Victor.  “The Social Costs of McCarthyism.” from  Naming Names..New York: Viking Press, 1980.   at english.illinois.edu/MAPS/McCarthy/navasky.

[8]  Ebert, Roger. rogerebert.com/review/great-movie-on-the-waterfront-1954. March 21, 1999.

[9]  Crowther, Bosley. “Viva Zapata.” New York Times Movie Review. 2/ 8/52.

Rothman. Lily. “Art Imitates Life: 10 Movies Altered Due to Real-Life Events.” Time Magazine.                             at entertainment.time.com/2012/07/27- art-imitates-life.

Susman, Gary. “Viva Zapata’s 60th Anniversary.” news.moviefone.com/2012/02/06/                           viva-zapata-anniversary.

[10]  Kermode, Frank. The Age of Shakespeare. Modern Library: New York, 2005. pp.14-16.

[11]  Wills, Garry. Making Make-Believe Real: Politics as Theater in Shakespeare’s Time. Yale University Press: New Haven, 2014. pp.157-168.

[12]  Wood, Michael. Shakespeare. Basic Books: New York, 2003. pp.270-271.

[13]  Kermode, Frank. The Age of Shakespeare. Modern Library: New York, 2005. p.39.

[14]  Wood, Michael. Shakespeare. Basic Books: New York, 2003. p.39.

[15]  Hill, Christopher. The Pelican Economic History of Britain: Reformation to Industrial Revolution. Penguin Books: Baltimore, 1969. p.110.

[16]  Scott, Jeffrey. “The Influences of Elizabethan Society on the Writings of Christopher Marlowe.”  The Marlowe Society Research Journal. Vol.05-2008. p.3.   at http://www.marlowe-society.org.

[17] I have written elsewhere an essay on Merchant outlining this view of the play.  The essay is entitled “Shakespeare, Shylock and History as Choice: A Protestant versus Catholic view of the Merchant of Venice.”

[18]  Hamlet. 1.4.90

[19]  Coleridge, Samuel Taylor. Selected Poetry and Prose. Elizabeth Schneider, Ed. “Lecture Series on Hamlet.” San Francisco: Rinehart Press, 1971, 461-462.

[20]  Van Doren, Mark. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review of Books, 2005, 167-168.

[21]  O’Toole, Fintan. Shakespeare is Hard, but so is Life. London: Granta Books, 2002, 45-54.

[22]  Goddard, Harold. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951, 341.

[23]  O’Toole, Fintan. Shakespeare is Hard, but so is Life. London: Granta Books, 2002, 40.

[24]  Goddard, Harold. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951, 333.

[25]  Hamlet.1.2.200.  “Armed at point exactly, cap-a-pie.”

[26]  Matheson, Mark. “Hamlet and a Matter Tender and Dangerous.” 1995. at enotes.com/topics/hamlet/critical-        essays/hamlet-and-matter-tender-and-dangerous

[27]  Lampher, Ann. The Problem of Revenge in Medieval Literature. PhD Thesis. University of Toronto, 2010. p.ii.

[28]  Prisons. mapoflondon.UVIC.ca/PRIS1

Elizabethan Crime and Punishment. william-shakespeare.info/elizabethan -crime-punishment

[29]  Wills, Garry. Making Make-Believe Real: Politics as Theater in Shakespeare’s Time.                    New Haven, CN: Yale University Press, 2014. p.173.

[30]  Hamlet.  1.1.48, 1.5.40, 1.5.46, 1.5.81-86, 1.5.138.

[31]  Van Doren, Mark. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review of Books, 2005, 172.

]  Schwartz, Richard A. “Red Scare, 1950’s.” Cold War Culture: Media and the Arts, 1945-1990. New York: Facts    on File Inc, 2000. American History Online. Facts on File, Inc., 2011.

Gardner, Lloyd. “Origins of the Cold War” in The Origins of the Cold War, J.J. Huttmacher & Warren Susman, eds. Waltham, MA: Ginn & Blaisdell, 1970. pp.3-40.

[8]  “Cold War.” American History. ABC-CLIO, 2011.

[9]   Goldwater, Barry. Conscience of a Conservative. New York: Victor Pub. Co., 1960. pp.25, 71.

[10]  Foner, Eric. The Story of American Freedom. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1998. pp.256-258.

Lens, Sidney. Radicalism in America. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1969. p.343.

[11]  Caute, David. The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge under Truman and Eisenhower.  New York:  Simon & Schuster, 1979.

[12]  “Cold War.” American History. ABC-CLIO, 2011.

[13]  Lyons, Paul. Philadelphia Communists, 1936-1956. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1982.

[14]  Navasky, Victor.  “The Social Costs of McCarthyism.” from  Naming Names..New York: Viking Press, 1980.   at english.illinois.edu/MAPS/McCarthy/navasky.

[15]  Ebert, Roger. rogerebert.com/review/great-movie-on-the-waterfront-1954. March 21, 1999.

[16]  Crowther, Bosley. “Viva Zapata.” New York Times Movie Review. 2/ 8/52.

Rothman. Lily. “Art Imitates Life: 10 Movies Altered Due to Real-Life Events.” Time Magazine.                            at entertainment.time.com/2012/07/27- art-imitates-life.

Susman, Gary. “Viva Zapata’s 60th Anniversary.” news.moviefone.com/2012/02/06/viva-zapata-anniversary.

[17]  Kermode, Frank. The Age of Shakespeare. Modern Library: New York, 2005. pp.14-16.

[18]  Wills, Garry. Making Make-Believe Real: Politics as Theater in Shakespeare’s Time. Yale University Press: New Haven, 2014. pp.157-168.

[19]  Wood, Michael. Shakespeare. Basic Books: New York, 2003. pp.270-271.

[20]  Kermode, Frank. The Age of Shakespeare. Modern Library: New York, 2005. p.39.

[21]  Wood, Michael. Shakespeare. Basic Books: New York, 2003. p.39.

[22]  Hill, Christopher. The Pelican Economic History of Britain: Reformation to Industrial Revolution. Penguin Books: Baltimore, 1969. p.110.

[23]  Scott, Jeffrey. “The Influences of Elizabethan Society on the Writings of Christopher Marlowe.”

The Marlowe Society Research Journal. Vol.05-2008. p.3.   at http://www.marlowe-society.org.

[24] I have written elsewhere an essay on Merchant outlining this view of the play.  The essay is entitled “Shakespeare, Shylock and History as Choice: A Protestant versus Catholic view of the Merchant of Venice.”

[25]  Hamlet. 1.4.90

[26]  Coleridge, Samuel Taylor. Selected Poetry and Prose. Elizabeth Schneider, Ed. “Lecture Series on Hamlet.” San Francisco: Rinehart Press, 1971, 461-462.

[27]  Van Doren, Mark. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review of Books, 2005, 167-168.

[28]  O’Toole, Fintan. Shakespeare is Hard, but so is Life. London: Granta Books, 2002, 45-54.

[29]  Goddard, Harold. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951, 341.

[30]  O’Toole, Fintan. Shakespeare is Hard, but so is Life. London: Granta Books, 2002, 40.

[31]  Goddard, Harold. The Meaning of Shakespeare. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951, 333.

[32]  Hamlet.1.2.200.  “Armed at point exactly, cap-a-pie.”

[33]  Matheson, Mark. “Hamlet and a Matter Tender and Dangerous.” 1995. at enotes.com/topics/hamlet/critical-essays/hamlet-and-matter-tender-and-dangerous

[34]  Lampher, Ann. The Problem of Revenge in Medieval Literature. PhD Thesis. University of Toronto, 2010. p.ii.

[35]  Prisons. mapoflondon.UVIC.ca/PRIS1

Elizabethan Crime and Punishment. william-shakespeare.info/elizabethan -crime-punishment

[36]  Wills, Garry. Making Make-Believe Real: Politics as Theater in Shakespeare’s Time. New Haven, CN: Yale University Press, 2014. p.173.

[37]  Hamlet.  1.1.48, 1.5.40, 1.5.46, 1.5.81-86, 1.5.138.

[38]  Van Doren, Mark. Shakespeare. New York: New York Review of Books, 2005, 172.

Shakespeare, Shylock and “The Merchant of Venice”: Protestants, Catholics and the Jewish Question in Elizabethan England

Shakespeare, Shylock and The Merchant of Venice:

Protestants, Catholics and the Jewish Question in Elizabethan England

Burton Weltman

1. The Jewish Question and The Merchant of Venice.

The Merchant of Venice is probably the most troubling of Shakespeare’s plays for modern directors, actors, scholars and audiences.  In the wake of the Nazi Holocaust, antisemitism of even the genteel sort that was common among the European and American upper classes during the nineteenth and early twentieth century, and that was regularly found in literature and drama of the period, is no longer acceptable in public.  It is not that antisemitism has disappeared from the world.  It is just not generally acceptable to promote antisemitism in a play.  The problem with The Merchant of Venice is how to present and portray the greedy Jewish money lender Shylock, a central character in the play, without appearing to be antisemitic.

Antisemitic portrayals of Shylock had hitherto been standard fare.  Although the overwhelming majority of Jews were historically among the working class poor and did not engage in commerce, the common stereotype of the Jew from at least Shakespeare’s time to the twentieth century was based on the relatively few Jews who were bankers and merchants and who were often denigrated by Christians as mercenary money grubbers.

The Merchant of Venice was generally presented as a dramatization of what during the nineteenth century was termed “the Jewish question.” This was the question of what decent Christian society should do with an alien religious sect of Jews that was typified by the disreputable shyster Shylock.  The Holocaust has made this question and this interpretation of the play unacceptable in polite society.

Modern interpreters of the play have, as a result, had to scramble to try to reshape the presentation of Shylock.  But they do not seem able to get it right.  I have read many interpretations of The Merchant of Venice and seen many performances, most recently during the summer of 2013 at the Shakespeare Festival in Stratford, Ontario.  I have seen directors try vocal modulations, pantomime gestures and other stage directions to soften the harshness of the language that the Christians use against Shylock and to undercut the cruelty of the actions these characters take against him.  Nothing of that sort seems to work.  The Christian characters’ language is blunt and blatant.  Their actions are coarse and cruel.  Shylock is still treated as a despised Jew.  The play still comes off as antisemitic.

But it does not have to be that way and I do not think Shakespeare intended it that way.  The problem is that directors and interpreters have remained locked into a conventional way of presenting the Christian characters in the play as exemplary people.  The solution, in turn, is seemingly simple: As bad as the Jew Shylock is in the play, the main Christian characters, including Antonio the so-called merchant of Venice, are worse.  And that, I think, is the main point of the play.

2. Literature and the Method of History as Choice.

Interpreting literature is much like interpreting history.  A historian who is trying to make sense of a historical situation will have at hand a body of facts which must be accounted for in the historian’s interpretation.  For many situations, there may be more than one plausible interpretation that fits the available facts.  As a result, the historian often has to make a choice among differing legitimate interpretations.

Similarly, the director or other interpreter of a play has a script of written words that are like a historian’s facts.  The script will contain speeches by the characters, some descriptions of place and action, and some stage directions.  A director or interpreter must adopt a way of approaching the play that fits the words in the script.  But there are often different ways that one can legitimately stage a play and perform what is contained in the script.  These different ways will embody different interpretations of the play and lead to different conclusions about it.  The director or interpreter must choose.

With plays as with historical events, interpretations often take hold because they best fit the preconceptions and prejudices of a given time.  Prejudices against Jews and in favor of Christians played a major part in previous interpretations of The Merchant of Venice.  In turn, as with many social, political and cultural ideas and practices, an out-of-date historical or literary interpretation may hang on long after the reasons for its adoption have passed.  This seems to be the case with The Merchant of Venice.

Even as modern interpreters want to eschew the antisemitism of the past and are willing to portray flaws in Christians, an interpretation of the Merchant of Venice that portrays the main Christian characters as virtuous holds on despite the fact that it inevitably leads to an antisemitic portrait of Shylock.  More important to the integrity of the play, this interpretation does not fit as well with Shakespeare’s script as does one that portrays Shylock as the best of a bad lot.

3. Weltschmerz and Other Discontents in The Merchant of Venice.

The interpretation of the play that I am proposing seems obvious to me from the first line of the first act.  The first act contains three scenes, each of which introduces us to one of the three main characters, first Antonio the merchant, then Portia, a wealthy heiress, and finally Shylock the moneylender.  Each of these scenes begins with a speech from that character which exemplifies his/her personality and values.  Each of these main characters is, in turn, surrounded by a caste of supporting characters who reflect and highlight the main character’s values and person.

Scene One: Antonio.  In the first line of the play, Antonio moans in luxurious self-pity to a group of young followers that “In sooth, I know not why I am so sad, it wearies me, you say it wearies you.”  Posturing world-weariness and boredom with life, Antonio betrays himself as a self-centered, self-indulgent shell of a man.  Not a model of Christian faith and hope.

Antonio is a wealthy speculator who invests in ocean-going merchant vessels that carry valuable goods around the world.  Ocean travel is dangerous and precarious so that this is a risky business, especially for sailors on the ships but also for investors such as Antonio, because ships often do not make it safely to their destinations.  When ships go down, sailors lose their lives and investors lose their money.  But the profits to investors for each successful voyage are so great that they can cover the loss of many ships.  In the course of the play when it appears that ships have been lost, Antonio expresses not one word of concern for the sailors.  His sole concern is for his money.  So much for Antonio’s Christian humanitarianism.

In this first scene, Antonio is sitting at a cafe bemoaning his weltschmerz with several younger men who seem to be idle rakes whose interests run to gossiping, partying and pursuing women.  They are sycophantically commiserating with him.  Antonio’s  protege Bassano joins the party.  Bassano is admittedly a wastrel and spendthrift who has run through his own inheritance and now wants to pursue marriage with the wealthy Portia so that he can take advantage of her inheritance.  Bassano is, however, broke and deep in debt.  He wants a loan from Antonio so that he can put on a good show of wealth for Portia and trick her into marrying him.  Bassano puts this request in purely financial terms as an investment for Antonio that will enable Bassano to repay to Antonio both the new loan and old debts owed by him.  As the scene closes, Antonio agrees to the loan with the caveat that he is currently cash poor so that he will himself have to borrow the money to give to Bassano.

Scene Two: Portia.  The second scene opens in essentially the same way as the first with Portia proclaiming her own weltschmerz to her handmaid: “By my troth Nerissa, my little body is aweary of this great world.”  Portia is a wealthy heiress whose father has left her his money conditioned on her marrying the first man who is able to guess a riddle that he has contrived.  She is lazy and self-indulgent, and is willing to accept the degrading and demeaning conditions imposed on her by her father in order to keep her great wealth.

When her maid Nerissa tells Portia that she is spoiled with too much money and too little to do, Portia admits to the accusation but responds with a classic hypocrite’s rationalization: “If to do were as easy to know what were good to do, chapels had been churches, and poor men’s cottages princes’ palaces.”  That is, she knows what she should do but does not have the moral strength to do it and does not think others do either.  So much for Portia’s Christian virtue.

Portia is a clever-witted  person whose main delight seems to be in mocking and making fun of others’ foolishness.  She is seemingly a person whose self-loathing and lack of self-respect becomes a rationale for loathing and disrespecting others.  She spends the rest of  the scene belittling and making fun of her prospective suitors.  So much for Portia’s Christian humility.

Scene Three: Shylock.  Shylock’s first words illustrate his character as a man who feels unjustly oppressed but who is generally able to control his anger.  “Three thousand ducats, well” he says when Bassano proposes that Shylock loan him money for Bassano’s Portia venture with Antonio as the guarantor of the loan.  That little word “well” is a telling piece of self-control on Shylock’s part.

Shylock initially bridles internally at the request, for both business reasons he acknowledges to himself and personal reasons he does not like to admit.  Shylock tries publicly to present himself as a man who is concerned only with  business, and who sees Antonio as only a business problem.  But we can see that his deepest resentment against Antonio is personal, and is based on the way Antonio disparages Jews in general and Shylock in particular.

Antonio is a Catholic who objects on religious grounds to money-lending for interest, usury so-called.  For this reason, he claims, he tries to undercut Shylock’s business as a moneylender.  But Antonio also publicly insults Shylock every time they meet, and he has repeatedly spat on Shylock, and has even spat in Shylock’s face without any provocation.  His antisemitism goes beyond mere business differences.

Shylock responds to the requested loan by debating with Antonio whether there is any difference between investing in commerce for profit as Antonio does and lending money for interest as Shylock does.  Shylock cites Biblical passages in support of his contention that they are the same thing and clearly has the better of the argument.  But Antonio won’t admit it and covers his defeat by declaiming to Bassano: “Mark you this, Bassano, the divel can cite Scripture for his purpose.  An evil soul producing holy witness is like a villain with a smiling cheek.”  Unable to beat Shylock in argument, Antonio resorts to insult.

Despite this insult, and maybe because of it, Shylock decides to loan the money to Bassano without any interest owing.  He states his intention of thereby shaming Antonio for defaming him.  Shylock’s only condition is that Antonio pledge a pound of his own flesh as bond for repayment of the loan’s principal.  Both Shylock and Antonio treat this as a playful jest and agree to the terms.  There is at this point no expectation that Antonio will not be able to repay to loan once one of his ships comes in.  As Antonio himself is forced to admit, Shylock is behaving with Christian charity.  In this scene, Shylock shows that, unlike Antonio and Portia, self-respect and the respect of others are more important to him than money.

Subsequent Events.  The end of the first act marks the high point of amity in the play and things run downhill from there.  Bassano succeeds in impressing Portia who, despite her avowed respect for her father and her father’s wishes, cheats on the riddle so that Bassano can guess it and win her hand.  So much for Portia’s honesty.  Antonio resumes his insults of Shylock and helps arrange for a friend to steal Shylock’s beloved daughter and some of Shylock’s wealth away from him.

Antonio is unable to pay back the loan on time and Shylock is so furious at Antonio for the loss of his daughter that he is seemingly prepared to exact the pound of flesh from Antonio and, thereby, kill him.  Portia saves Antonio by pretending to be a learned jurist and convincing the Duke of Venice through spurious sophistry that Shylock is the one who is really at fault.  She convinces the Duke that in return for sparing Shylock’s life, Shylock must forfeit his wealth and convert to Christianity.

In the course of her perorations, Portia makes her famous “quality of mercy speech.”  “The quality of mercy is not strained,” she intones, “It droppeth  as the gentle rain from heaven upon the place beneath.  It is twice blest, It blesseth him that gives, and him that takes…”  A previously self-admitted hypocrite, Portia declaims this paean to mercy even as she is insisting on the cruelest revenge and savage persecution against Shylock.  Shylock is the one who has attempted to do the most right and who has suffered the most wrong during the play.  Yet he is the one whom she insists on punishing.  So much for the quality of Christian mercy.

Happily Ever After…Not.  Having vanquished Shylock, Portia and her maid play tricks on their respective lovers and get the better of them.  The play ends with what the characters seem to feel is a “happily ever after scene” in which the various lovers come together in wedlock and what they anticipate will be everlasting bliss.  But is this likely?  The husbands are mercenary, feckless, sensitive to insult and prone to violence.  The wives are shrewish, smarter than their husbands and not reluctant to show it.  This is not exactly a recipe for everlasting harmony and bliss.

4. Internal and External Evidence in Interpreting The Merchant of Venice

The best evidence for the interpretation of the play that I am proposing comes from the words of the play itself.  Shakespeare accepts the stereotype of the greedy Jew for dramatic purposes, but then explodes it.  Shylock comes across as a deeply damaged character, but his flaws and faults seem in large part to be a product of his situation and the persecution he has faced.  He displays streaks of genuine humanity that are inconsistent with the attitudes and actions of the Christian characters against him.  His offering to lend the money to Bassano without interest, his grief at the loss of his daughter and the theft of a keepsake from his dead wife, and, especially his passionate “If you prick us, do we not bleed?” speech are evidence that Shakespeare intends us to empathize with Shylock.

The Christian characters have no excuse for their bad behavior toward Shylock.  Until the end of the play when he explodes in anger toward Antonio, Shylock has done nothing to harm them and has only courted their respect.  Given their despicable behavior towards him, it is hard to see them as virtuous or heroic. Likewise, given their own greedy materialism, it is hard to see them as better in that regard than Shylock.  People looking for a one-dimensional play with clear cut heroes and villains may see Shylock’s flaws and then conclude that the Christian characters must be the heroes, but this is mistaken.  Shakespeare wrote many plays that did not have clear cut heroes, for example, Julius Caesar and Coriolanus.  The Merchant of Venice seems to be of this sort.

There is also some historical evidence with respect to Shakespeare’s likely attitudes toward money-lending and toward Jews that seems to support this interpretation.  The prohibition against money-lending for interest which is at the heart of the Christian characters’ antipathy toward Shylock in The Merchant of Venice was a regulation of the Catholic Church.  This was one of the provisions of the Catholic Church that Protestants rejected when they broke from the Church.  Despite controversial claims by some scholars that Shakespeare was somehow a closet Catholic, it seems pretty clear from his plays that Shakespeare was a patriotic Protestant in an anti-Catholic country and, as such, would likely have wanted to promote the Protestant position on money-lending.

Many of Shakespeare’s plays take place in Catholic countries such as Venice or during times when England was Catholic.  In these plays, priests are invariably portrayed as, at best, well-intentioned fools who cause unintended mischief — for example, in Romeo and Juliet in which the priest is the inadvertent cause of the lovers’ deaths.  Church officials in Shakespeare’s plays are invariably portrayed as malicious connivers — for example, in Henry V and King John in which they induce England into disastrous wars for the benefit of the Church.

In The Merchant of Venice, Shylock makes what was essentially the Protestant argument in favor of money-lending for interest in his debate against the Catholic Antonio.  Shylock claims that profit-making on investments is essentially the same as money-lending at interest and has the better of the argument.  This seems to be Shakespeare’s argument.  In addition, despite their vehement denunciations of Jewish usury, the Christians in the play do not hesitate to borrow money at interest from Jews in order to pursue their investment strategies.  This was the reality in most Catholic countries including England when it was Catholic.  Catholics used Jews as the fronts for their own profit-making enterprises.  Shakespeare seems to portray this as hypocritical.

In addition to ideological and theological evidence, there also seems to be some family evidence that Shakespeare’s father was a money lender and was even jailed for this practice at one point by the then Catholic authorities.  And there is some speculation that Shakespeare himself engaged in some small-time money-lending.  If this is so, he would not likely have wanted his play to be seen as a diatribe against money-lenders.

Finally, there is some evidence respecting Jewish law and Shakespeare’s knowledge of Jews.  At the heart of the case against Shylock is his accepting the pledge of a pound of Antonio’s flesh as bond for the loan to Bassano and his insistence at the end of the play on exacting the pound of flesh.  Exacting the pound of flesh would have been a blatant violation of Talmudic Jewish law.  A Jew cannot demand fulfillment of a debt that causes physical harm to someone.  If Shakespeare wrote the play with any knowledge of Jews and Jewish law, Shylock could not initially have intended the bond as anything but a jest in which the Christian Antonio was symbolically putting his life in the hands of the Jew Shylock.

And there is reason to believe that Shakespeare knew a fair amount about Jews as he apparently lived for a time in the Jewish quarter of London.  As we can see from the play itself, Shakespeare was seemingly knowledgeable about the persecution and perilous situation of Jews in England in which it was illegal to be Jewish until the 1650’s.  Jews such as Shylock lived in England during Shakespeare’s time only at the sufferance of antisemitic Christians such as Antonio and only to the extent Christians found the Jews to be useful.  That Shylock appears to be willing to exact the pound of flesh from Antonio at the end of the play — and we do not know if he would have actually gone through with it — seems a testament to the overflowing of Shylock’s outrage and hurt at the way he has been treated.

5. The Shylock Question and History as Choice.

So what are we to make of Shylock and why should we care?

I think we can distinguish two aspects of Shylock in the play.  There is Shylock the miserly moneylender who openly and honestly articulates and practices mercenary values that the hypocritical Christians deny and denounce, but nonetheless practice themselves.  This Shylock is largely a creation of the Christians as a tool for their own business purposes and as a scapegoat for their bad consciences.  They project their own materialism onto him and then decry it in him and deny it in themselves.

Then there is Shylock the Jew who is a narrow-minded money grubber because money grubbing is the only path to success and to some measure of respect allowed him in the Christian society.  He is a bitter man who craves the respect of his Christian fellows and who will exact it through revenging himself on them if they won’t otherwise give it to him.  He is a scapegoat who kicks.

I think that Shakespeare has written a play about Christian ideals and their debasement by Christians through their debasement of Jews.  The play is not usually performed in this way.  But I think it is important that we see that it can be performed in this way.  In so doing, I am not merely trying to rescue Shakespeare from the taint of antisemitism.  I am also trying to rescue that period in history from a one-dimensional interpretation as antisemitic and, thereby, to suggest new possibilities for what people in Shakespeare’s time might have understood.  Maybe they were not as antisemitic as we have thought.  Maybe there were currents of empathy and tolerance that could have led England in a different direction if other choices had been made.

Whenever we uncover new possibilities in the past — new options for what could have happened as well as new ways of understanding what did — we discover new possibilities for understanding the present and creating a better future.   This hope is the underlying rationale for studying history and literature as a process of people making choices.

Postscript:

I wrote this essay two years ago.  It has come to my attention that the British director Jonathan Dumby recently staged at Lincoln Center in New York and at Navy Pier in Chicago a version of The Merchant of Venice that is substantially similar to the interpretation I am suggesting in the essay.  See the reviews by Charles Isherwood in The New York Times (July 7, 2016) and by Chris Jones in The Chicago Tribune (August 8, 2016).  Although I live in Chicago, I was unfortunately unable to see the play because the tickets were sold out before I could get my act together to get some.  Hopefully, the play will come around again.

Burt Weltman   August 10, 2016